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Author Topic: Trump supporters and conspiracy theory - Part 2  (Read 1112074 times)

Offline Rick Plant

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Re: Trump supporters and conspiracy theory - Part 2
« Reply #4459 on: December 21, 2021, 04:07:37 AM »
Donald Trump is 'freaking out' -- and with good reason: MSNBC legal analyst



Former Solicitor General Neal Katyal explained to MSNBC on Monday that former President Donald Trump is in an awkward place with his legal problems where he's quickly running out of options.

"When you have [Adam] Kinzinger saying, [Rep. Liz] Cheney saying they are looking at crimes, what crimes are possible?" asked Alecia Manendez.

Katyal explained that the major crime is the 18 US Code 1505, obstructing an official proceeding.

"It doesn't take a rocket scientist to learn Donald Trump today is, to use the technical legal term, freaking out," he mocked. "He is freaking out because of the revelations that you just mentioned a moment ago. Also because there was a decision ten days ago by the federal court in Washington, D.C. by a Trump appointee and what the judge said is that one of the insurrectionists was guilty of violating this statute obstruction of an official proceeding, the count of votes on Jan. 6."

He noted that the judge also explained that the insurrectionist clearly intended to try and stop the count and that it doesn't require a lawyer proving the person did or didn't intend violence. With or without violence, the person acted with corrupt intent to stop the counting of votes. That, he explained, is the manual for prosecuting Trump.

"That is what he is worried about and why you see all of these moves by Trump and his allies today," Katyal said.

Trump as a normal citizen doesn't have any authority, which is another problem for him. His normal playbook doesn't work if he's not the one in control.

"Our entire constitutional system is set up to basically trust presidents and give them immense powers even to delay litigation or court cases against themselves because we don't want random people to tie up the president and stop the nation's business from being done," Katyal said. "That is why our system was written as it is. It wasn't written for someone like Donald Trump who abuses every lever in the system to delay, obstruct, and prevent things. That is one thing when you're president. You got that suite of tools available. He doesn't have them anymore."

See the full conversation below:


Offline Rick Plant

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Re: Trump supporters and conspiracy theory - Part 2
« Reply #4460 on: December 21, 2021, 04:17:17 AM »
Letitia James cuts Trump's new lawsuit off at the knees: He doesn't get to 'dictate' where he will answer for his actions



New York attorney general Letitia James responded to Donald Trump's latest attempt to escape accountability.

The twice-impeached one-term president filed a lawsuit Monday against the attorney general, arguing that James had violated his civil rights by issuing subpoenas to him, his family and his business, and identified Trump as both the president and a private citizen.

“The Trump Organization has continually sought to delay our investigation into its business dealings and now Donald Trump and his namesake company have filed a lawsuit as an attempted collateral attack on that investigation," James said in a statement. "To be clear, neither Mr. Trump nor the Trump Organization get to dictate if and where they will answer for their actions. Our investigation will continue undeterred because no one is above the law, not even someone with the name Trump.”

The former president has repeatedly attacked James as her office investigates potential fraud at his family-owned Trump Organization, and James has called on Trump to give a deposition on Jan. 7.

https://www.rawstory.com/letitia-james-trump-organization-2656076388/

Offline Rick Plant

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Re: Trump supporters and conspiracy theory - Part 2
« Reply #4461 on: December 21, 2021, 11:27:51 AM »
Liz Cheney 'let the cat out of the bag' that criminal referral could come for Trump: NYTimes reporter

According to Schmidt, the idea that the committee was thinking of criminal referrals came last week when Rep. Liz Cheney (R-WY) cited 18 US Code 1505, which makes it illegal to obstruct government operations.

The reporter on Monday talked with MSNBC's Chris Hayes about the latest developments in the committee's probe.

"Look, whatever they have, whatever they know, it was enough for Liz Cheney to go out and say what she did in these past few weeks where she read from the criminal code," said Schmidt. "I think this committee wants to be taken seriously. They wanted this to appear like it's a bipartisan effort that is following the facts. Going out there and reading the criminal code is one of the more aggressive things that a congressional committee that has no powers can do."

Schmidt then explained why this statement went beyond mere headline-grabbing political theater.

"What we learned is there was work underneath those statements," he said. "It was no accident she was saying it. The investigation has former federal prosecutors working on this. They don't want to be embarrassed by sending some sort of frivolous letter to the Justice Department that would be ignored. They would want this to be a truly serious thing."

He explained that the committee was designed to give the most authoritative report on what happened Jan. 6. The evidence is what has led them to the possibilities of criminal referrals.

"Cheney let the cat out of the bag on this the last few weeks where she publicly read from the criminal code," Schmidt continued. "We went back and did some reporting to sort of look at the extent that the committee is looking at this issue, the two biggest issues, the ones that you laid out. Look, a criminal referral has no real legal weight, but what it would do is it would possibly change the pressure on Attorney General [Merrick] Garland. The attorney general has been able to largely skate without having to address the question of whether Donald Trump is being investigated and if he's not being investigated, why not."

Garland has managed to stay above the fray but with the Bannon indictment, it is clear that the DOJ is publicly involved in the probe now. As Figliuzzi explained, the two aren't operating in a vacuum and are likely coordinating their evidence.

See the interview below:


Offline Rick Plant

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Re: Trump supporters and conspiracy theory - Part 2
« Reply #4462 on: December 21, 2021, 12:07:08 PM »
Fox News’ Legal Woes Worsen as Judge Allows Dominion Election Lies Lawsuit to Proceed

Judge Eric Davis wrote that the complaint supports the idea that network either knew or had a high degree of awareness that it was pushing conspiracy theories about voting machine fraud

A lawsuit by Dominion Voting Systems seeking $1.6 billion in damages from Fox News over its coverage of the 2020 election can proceed, a Delaware state judge ruled on Thursday.

Judge Eric Davis noted in his 52-page opinion that Dominion’s complaint “supports the reasonable inference that Fox either (i) knew its statements about Dominion’s role in election fraud were false or (ii) had a high degree of awareness that the statements were false.”

Dominion is alleging that Fox News hosts Lou Dobbs, Maria Bartiromo, and Sean Hannity gave Sidney Powell and Rudy Giuliani a platform to lie about the voting process. While being deposed for the case, Powell and Giuliani basically admitted they didn’t really care whether the claims they were spouting were true. “It’s not my job in a fast-moving case to go out and investigate every piece of evidence that’s given to me,” said Giuliani, Trump’s former personal attorney. “Otherwise, you’re never going to write a story. You’re never going to come to a conclusion.”

Because of this sloppy work — if it’s even considered work at all — Dobbs, Bartiromo, and Hannity ended up having to air a fact-check package debunking lies pushed by themselves and their guests. The package was spurred by a legal threat by voting technology company Smartmatic, whose software Powell falsely claimed was “created by Hugo Chavez.”

Fox News taking this measure implies it recognized that impending election lawsuits could get ugly. Thursday’s ruling implies they were right.

While the case proceeds, Dominion is still seeing potential consequences of Fox News’ lies. A small Nevada county that former President Trump won with nearly 80 percent of the vote in last year’s election on Thursday decided to spend $223,000 to throw out Dominion’s machines. The county will shell out another $69,000 to install, maintain, and train workers to use new ones.

https://www.rollingstone.com/politics/politics-news/fox-news-dominion-voting-systems-lawsuit-can-proceed-1273090/


Revealed: how Sidney Powell could be disbarred for lying in court for Trump

The former lawyer filed cases across America for the former president, hoping to overturn the results of the 2020 election

Sidney Powell, the former lawyer for Donald Trump who filed lawsuits across the US for the former president, hoping to overturn the results of the 2020 presidential election, has on several occasions represented to federal courts that people were co-counsel or plaintiffs in her cases without seeking their permission to do so, the Guardian has learned.

Some of these individuals say that they found out that Powell had named them only once the cases were already filed.

During this same period of time, Powell also named several other lawyers – with their permission in those instances – as co-counsel in her election-related cases, despite the fact that they played virtually no role in bringing or litigating those cases.

Both Powell’s naming of other people as plaintiffs or co-counsel without their consent and representing that other attorneys were central to her cases when, in fact, their roles were nominal or nonexistent, constitute serious potential violations of the American Bar Association model rules for professional conduct, top legal ethicists told the Guardian.

Powell’s misrepresentations to the courts in those particular instances often aided fundraising for her non-profit, Defending the Republic. Powell had told prospective donors that the attorneys were integral members of an “elite strike force” who had played outsized roles in her cases – when in fact they were barely involved if at all.

Powell did not respond to multiple requests for comment via phone, email, and over social media.

The State Bar of Texas is already investigating Powell for making other allegedly false and misleading statements to federal courts by propagating increasingly implausible conspiracy theories to federal courts that Joe Biden’s election as president of the United States was illegitimate.

The Texas bar held its first closed-door hearing regarding the allegations about Powell on 4 November. Investigations by state bar associations are ordinarily conducted behind closed doors and thus largely opaque to the public.

A federal grand jury has also been separately investigating Powell, Defending the Republic, as well as a political action committee that goes by the same name, for fundraising fraud, according to records reviewed by the Guardian.

Among those who have alleged that Powell falsely named them as co-counsel is attorney Lin Wood, who brought and litigated with Powell many of her lawsuits attempting to overturn the results of the election with her, including in the hotly contested state of Michigan.

The Michigan case was a futile attempt by Powell to erase Joe Biden’s victory in that state and name Trump as the winner. On 25 August, federal district court Judge Linda Parker, of Michigan, sanctioned Powell and nine other attorneys who worked with her for having engaged in “a historic and profound abuse of the judicial process” in bringing the case in the first place. Powell’s claims of election fraud, Parker asserted, had no basis in law and were solely based on “speculation, conjecture, and unwarranted suspicion”.

Parker further concluded that the conduct of Powell, Wood, and the eight other attorneys whom they worked with, warranted a “referral for investigation and possible suspension or disbarment to the appropriate disciplinary authority for each state … in which each attorney is admitted”.

Wood told the court in the Michigan case that Powell had wrongly named him as one of her co-counsel in the Michigan case. During a hearing in the case to determine whether to sanction Wood, his defense largely rested on his claim that he had not been involved in the case at all. Powell, Wood told the court, had put his name on the lawsuit without even telling him.

Wood said: “I do not specifically recall being asked about the Michigan complaint … In this case obviously my name was included. My experience or my skills apparently were never needed, so I didn’t have any involvement with it.”

Wood’s attorney, Paul Stablein, was also categorical in asserting that his client had nothing to do with the case, telling the Guardian in an interview: “He didn’t draft the complaint. He didn’t sign it. He did not authorize anyone to put his name on it.”

Powell has denied she would have named Wood as a co-counsel without Wood’s permission.

But other people have since come forward to say that Powell has said that they were named as plaintiffs or lawyers in her election-related cases without their permission.

In a Wisconsin voting case, a former Republican candidate for Congress, Derrick Van Orden, said he only learned after the fact that he had been named as a plaintiff in one of Powell’s cases.

“I learned through social media today that my name was included in a lawsuit without my permission,” Van Orden said in a statement he posted on Twitter, “To be clear, I am not involved in the lawsuit seeking to overturn the election in Wisconsin.”

Jason Shepherd, the Republican chairman of Georgia’s Cobb county, was similarly listed as a plaintiff in a Georgia election case without his approval.

In a 26 November 2020 statement, Shepherd said he had been talking to an associate of Powell’s before the case’s filing about the “Cobb GOP being a plaintiff” but said he first “needed more information to at least make sure the executive officers were in agreeing to us being a party in the suit”. The Cobb county Republican party later agreed to remain plaintiffs in the case instead of withdrawing.

Leslie Levin, a professor at the University of Connecticut Law School, said in an interview: “Misrepresentations to the court are very serious because lawyers are officers of the court. Bringing a lawsuit in someone’s name when they haven’t consented to being a party is a very serious misrepresentation and one for which a lawyer should expect to face serious discipline.”

Nora Freeman Engstrom, a law professor at Stanford University, says that Powell’s actions appear to violate Rule 3.3 of the ABA’s model rules of professional misconduct, which hold that “a lawyer shall not knowingly … make a false statement of fact or law to a tribunal”.

Since election day last year, federal and state courts have dismissed more than 60 lawsuits alleging electoral fraud and irregularities by Powell and other Trump allies.

Shortly after the election, Trump named Powell as a senior member of an “elite strike force” who would prove that Joe Biden won the 2020 presidential race only because the election was stolen from him. But Trump refused to pay her for her services. To remedy this, Powell set up a new non-profit called Defending the Republic; its stated purpose is to “protect the integrity of elections in the United States”.

As a not-for-profit organization, the group is allowed to raise unlimited amounts of “dark money”, and donors are legally protected from the ordinary requirements to disclose their identities to the public. Powell warned supporters that for her to succeed, “millions of dollars must be raised”.

Echoing Trump’s rhetoric, Powell told prospective donors that Defending the Republic had a vast team of experienced litigators.

Among the attorneys who Powell said made up this “taskforce” were Emily Newman, who had served Trump as the White House liaison to the Department of Health and Human Services and as a senior official with the Department of Homeland Security. Newman had been a founding board member of Defending the Republic.

But facing sanctions in the Michigan case, some of the attorneys attempted to distance themselves from having played much of a meaningful role in her litigation.

Newman’s attorney told Parker, the judge, that Newman had “not played a role in the drafting of the complaint … My client was a contract lawyer working from home who spent maybe five hours on this matter. She really wasn’t involved … Her role was de minimis.”

To have standing to file her Michigan case, Powell was initially unable to find a local attorney to be co-counsel on her case but eventually attorney Gregory Rohl agreed to help out.

But when Rohl was sanctioned by Parker and referred to the Michigan attorney disciplinary board for further investigation, his defense was that he, too, was barely involved in the case. He claimed that he only received a copy of “the already prepared” 830-page initial complaint at the last minute, reviewed it for “well over an hour”, while then “making no additions, decisions or corrections” to the original.

As with Newman, Parker found that Rohl violated ethics rules by making little, if any, effort to verify the facts of the claims in Powell’s filings.

In sanctioning Rohl, the judge wrote that “the court finds it exceedingly difficult to believe that Rohl read an 830-page complaint in just ‘well over an hour’ on the day he filed it. So, Rohl’s argument in and of itself reveals sanctionable conduct.”

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2021/dec/02/revealed-sidney-powell-trump-us-election

Offline Rick Plant

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Re: Trump supporters and conspiracy theory - Part 2
« Reply #4463 on: December 22, 2021, 12:19:48 AM »

Offline Rick Plant

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Re: Trump supporters and conspiracy theory - Part 2
« Reply #4464 on: December 22, 2021, 08:24:00 AM »
Trump 'more off the rails than usual' after Liz Cheney hinted at criminal charges: MSNBC analyst



Last week, Wyoming Republican Rep. Liz Cheney hinted at potential criminal charges for former president Donald Trump stemming from a congressional investigation into the Capitol insurrection.

Specifically, Cheney questioned whether Trump "through action or inaction corruptly sought to obstruct or impede Congress' official proceeding to count electoral votes" on Jan. 6.

Appearing on MSNBC on Tuesday night, former acting U.S. solicitor general Neal Katyal explained that Cheney was referring to a federal statute that makes it a felony, punishable by up to 20 years in prison, to obstruct an official proceeding.

Katyal noted that three judges, including two nominated by Trump, have recently found that Capitol rioters potentially violated the statute, regardless of whether they intended violence, merely by endeavoring to stop the certification of President Joe Biden's victory.

"The other thing she's saying is, it's not just Trump's action, but his inaction," Katyal added. "Trump is saying, I guess his defense is, 'Look, I didn't light the match.' But what Cheney is saying is, 'Look, at least you sat in front of the fire truck toasting marshmallows if you didn't light the match.'"

"He wasn't exactly advocating the crowd to march to the Capitol and, like, count the votes," Katyal said. "He was urging them to stop that count, and so that runs you squarely into a federal crime. That's why Cheney's remarks are so important, and why Donald Trump this week has been, even by his own standards, more off the rails than usual."

Katyal went on to say that he believes it's likely the Jan. 6 committee will determine that Trump violated the statute, at which point it will be their duty to make a criminal referral to the Department of Justice.

"I know that's a very serious thing," he said. "I don't say that lightly. But that's because what happened on Jan. 6 was deadly serious."

Watch below:


Offline Rick Plant

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Re: Trump supporters and conspiracy theory - Part 2
« Reply #4465 on: December 22, 2021, 09:14:24 AM »
Crisis of Command: The Pentagon, The President, and January 6 Part I



One of the most vexing questions about Jan. 6 is why the National Guard took more than three hours to arrive at the Capitol after D.C. authorities and Capitol Police called for immediate assistance. The Pentagon’s restraint in allowing the Guard to get to the Capitol was not simply a reflection of officials’ misgivings about the deployment of military force during the summer 2020 protests, nor was it simply a concern about “optics” of having military personnel at the Capitol. Instead, evidence is mounting that the most senior defense officials did not want to send troops to the Capitol because they harbored concerns that President Donald Trump might utilize the forces’ presence in an attempt to hold onto power.

According to a report released last month, Christopher Miller, who served as acting Secretary of the Defense on Jan. 6, told the Department’s inspector general that he feared “if we put U.S. military personnel on the Capitol, I would have created the greatest Constitutional crisis probably since the Civil War.” In congressional testimony, he said he was also cognizant of “fears that the President would invoke the Insurrection Act to politicize the military in an anti-democratic manner” and that “factored into my decisions regarding the appropriate and limited use of our Armed Forces to support civilian law enforcement during the Electoral College certification.”

Miller does not specify who held the fears that Trump would invoke the Insurrection Act, and he wasn’t asked by Congress. However, it’s now clear that such concerns were shared by General Mark Milley, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, as well as former CIA Director and at the time Secretary of State Mike Pompeo. Before Nov. 3, Milley and Pompeo confided in one another that they had a persistent worry Trump would try to use the military in an attempt to hold onto power if he lost the election, the Washington Post’s Carol Leonnig and Philip Rucker reported. “This military’s not going to be used,” Milley assured Pompeo.

After Trump issued a Dec. 19, 2020 call to action to his supporters to come to DC to protest the certification of the electoral college vote on Jan. 6 (“Be there, will be wild!”), “Milley told his staff that he believed Trump was stoking unrest, possibly in hopes of an excuse to invoke the Insurrection Act and call out the military,” and that he sought to stay ahead of any effort by the President to use the military in a bid to stay in office, Leonnig and Rucker write.

Milley, according to multiple reports, “feared it was Trump’s ‘Reichstag moment,’ in which, like Adolf Hitler in 1933, he would manufacture a crisis in order to swoop in and rescue the nation from it.”

The top officials’ fears were warranted: Donald Trump, his close aides and a segment of Republican political figures had openly discussed the possibility of invoking the Insurrection Act or using the military to prevent the transfer of power on the basis of false claims that the election was “stolen.” But the Pentagon’s actions with respect to the National Guard suggest a scenario in which, on the basis of such concerns, a potentially profound crisis of command may have played out on Jan. 6.

Close observers of the events of Jan. 6 have mainly posited two reasons for the delay in mobilizing the Guard. The first explanation is one of bureaucratic failures or managerial weaknesses in the military’s procedures that day. A second explanation is that the military was deliberately serving Trump’s effort to interfere with the election by withholding assistance.

We identify a third explanation: that senior military officials constrained the mobilization and deployment of the National Guard to avoid injecting federal troops that could have been re-missioned by the President to advance his attempt to hold onto power.

With respect to planning for Jan. 6, the publicly available evidence to date very strongly suggests that the senior defense officials’ concerns led them to impose unprecedented constraints on the authorizations and substantive conditions for use of the Guard – Miller admitted as much. Those constraints help explain the substantial delay in sending a first group of Guardsmen to the Capitol. What’s more, the evidence also indicates that the same concerns potentially explain why the Pentagon did not approve deployment of the National Guard in sufficient time – and, indeed, authorized the deployment only after President Trump eventually made a public announcement (at 4:17 pm) that he was not in favor of continued occupation of the Capitol.

This third scenario, if true, raises fundamental constitutional questions about the transfer of power:

- Under what conditions might the U.S. military try to subvert the will of the President (even if one ethically agrees with the difficult choices the Pentagon made before and on Jan. 6)?

- What information did senior officials have concerning President Trump’s potential use of the military to hold onto power and who else did they believe was participating in such a scheme?


In reply to a request for comment, a Defense Department spokesman stated, “The Department has been transparent with regard to the planning and execution timeline for its response to the events of Jan 6,” and pointed to “the complete timeline” published on Jan. 8. “Given that the events leading up to and including the incident at the Capitol are still under investigation by Congress, it is not appropriate for the Department to comment further at this time,” he added.

What was at stake was the prospect of an illegal order from the President and thwarting a potential scheme to undermine the peaceful transfer of power. Ultimately, the outcome of the Pentagon’s decisions may have been best for the nation, even if it extended the period of time during which Congress was in harm’s way.

Summer 2020 protests and the near miss with the Insurrection Act

In June 2020, in response to the protests after the murder of George Floyd, then President Donald Trump indicated his willingness to deploy the U.S.military in American cities.

- According to one account, Trump wanted the military to “beat the f**k out of” Black Lives Matter demonstrators. “Just shoot them,” he apparently told Milley and his Attorney General, William Barr.

- On Jun. 1, 2020, White House aides reportedly went so far as to draft a proclamation to invoke the Insurrection Act of 1807, which allows the president to employ military forces to “suppress” major civil unrest.

- At the time, Trump reportedly demanded 10,000 active-duty troops be deployed to the streets of Washington, D.C. and other cities, but then-Secretary of Defense Mark Esper and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Mark Milley objected to the plan.

- These demands immediately preceded the President’s photo op with both men in Lafayette Park – an act for which Milley –the country’s top military official – later apologized, noting that his “presence in that moment and in that environment created a perception of the military involved in domestic politics.”

- The next day Esper hosted a press conference at the Pentagon where he addressed the role of the Department of Defense in the protests across the nation and announced his opposition to using the Insurrection Act to deploy troops to American cities. Esper stopped short of apologizing, but noted that he sought to stay apolitical, but “sometimes I’m successful at doing that, and sometimes I’m not as successful.”

- Following these events, Esper and Milley were then summoned to the White House, where the President expressed anger over the statement and reminded them that the decision to invoke the Insurrection Act was the President’s alone, according to ABC News reporter Jonathan Karl’s book Betrayal.

- Trump ordered troops from the 82nd Airborne Division to be stationed 30 minutes outside of Washington D.C., but within days Secretary Esper was able to get Trump to reverse that order and have the troops start withdrawing in what the New York Times reported as “temporarily easing a contentious standoff with the Pentagon.”

The election and Trump loyalists’ promotion of Insurrection Act

The notion that the President might use the Insurrection Act was seeded among his loyalists. Before and after the 2020 election, a network of individuals close to President Trump suggested, publicly and privately, that he should consider declaring martial law or invoking the Insurrection Act with respect to the election:

- In a Sept. 10, 2020 interview with Alex Jones on his InfoWars program, Trump confidant Roger Stone called for martial law if Trump were to lose the election.

- In a Sept. 12, 2020 interview at the White House with Fox News’ Jeanine Pirro, Trump was asked what he would do in the event Americans “threaten riots” in response to his winning the election. He replied: “We’ll put them down very quickly if they do that…. We have the right to do that, we have the power to do that if we want. Look, it’s called insurrection. We just send them in and we do it very easy. I mean it’s very easy. I’d rather not do that because there’s no reason for it but if we had to we’d do that and put it down within minutes, within minutes. Minneapolis, they were having problems. We sent in the National Guard within a half an hour. That was the end of the problem. It all went away.” (emphasis added)

- During a White House press briefing on Sept. 23, 2020, in response to a direct question, President Trump refused to say he would ensure a peaceful transfer of power if he lost the election.

- Following the election, in the first week of December 2020, former Trump White House national security advisor, retired Army Lt. Gen. Michael Flynn advanced the idea of calling for martial law, promoting a group that took out a full-page ad in the Washington Times urging Trump to “immediately declare a limited form of Martial Law, and temporarily suspend the Constitution and civilian control of these federal elections, for the sole purpose of having the military oversee a re-vote.” On Dec. 17, Flynn appeared on Newsmax where he again called for the use of martial law.

- Flynn joined other MAGA loyalists, including personalities like Trump lawyers Sidney Powell and Lin Wood, as well as some state-level Republicans who floated the idea that President Trump should suspend civil liberties in order to halt the transition of power on the basis of claims of voter fraud.

- At a Stop the Steal rally on Dec. 12, 2020, Oath Keepers leader and founder Stewart Rhodes gave a speech in which he called on Trump to invoke the Insurrection Act to prevent Biden from taking office.

- By late December, Trump’s own interest in invoking martial law was widely known. CNN reported on “escalating concerns” and “a heated Oval Office meeting Friday [Dec. 18, 2020] in which Trump heard arguments about invoking martial law to stay in office had some Trump officials sounding the alarm to the press,” noting that “Michael Flynn, Trump’s pardoned former national security adviser, discussed the martial law plan on right-wing television network Newsmax last week and was invited to the White House Friday.” According to the New York Times, it was Trump who asked about the idea during the meeting.

- Some commentators feared the rhetoric alone might provoke extremist groups to violence. “In the conspiratorial conservative base of supporting Trump, there are calls for using the Insurrection Act to declare martial law. When they hear that the president is actually considering this, there are violent extremist groups that look at this as a dog whistle, an excuse to go out and create … violence,” Elizabeth Neumann, former assistant secretary of Homeland Security under
President Trump told Brian Stelter, host of CNN’s Reliable Sources, on Dec. 22.


These public statements may have influenced senior military officials’ calculus ahead of the Jan. 6 attacks. It is unknown what private information, if any, these officials had which may have reinforced this public messaging.

Post-election: Personnel changes at the Pentagon

On Nov. 9, 2020: Trump fired Defense Secretary Esper. White House Chief of Staff Mark Meadows reportedly called Esper to inform the secretary that he was being dismissed for not being “sufficiently loyal.” After the Trump Presidency was over, Esper told Jonathan Karl that his goal was to prevent Trump from using the military against citizens in “the days before, the day of, and the days after the election.”

On the evening of Nov. 9, Pompeo came to see Milley, according to Bob Woodward and Robert Costa’s book Peril. Speaking of the President, Pompeo said, “He’s in a very dark place right now,” and expressed concern that Trump was turning the situation in a direction that was perilous for the republic. The following day, CIA Director Gina Haspel called Milley concerned about the shakeup at the Pentagon and believing that Trump wanted to fire her. “Yesterday was appalling,” Haspel told the Chairman. “We are on the way to a right-wing coup,” she said, according to Woodward and Costa’s reporting.

Three senior Pentagon officials departed with Esper, and Christopher Miller was surprisingly promoted to acting secretary of defense despite a thin resume for the job. The White House instituted other sudden personnel changes inside the Department, reportedly raising Chairman Milley and others’ suspicions that Trump was seeking to turn the Department toward his personal political interests.

"Administration officials like Pompeo and Milley believed some of Trump’s new hires were conspiracy theorists and discussed whether others might have links to neo-Nazi groups,” the Wall Street Journal’s Michael Bender reported. “Senior administration officials weren’t completely sure what Trump was up to, and they started hitting the panic button. ‘The crazies have taken over,’” Pompeo said to a colleague.

- Kashyap P. “Kash” Patel was installed as chief of staff at the Department of Defense just after the November election. A former senior counsel to Rep. Devin Nunes (R-CA) who ​​served as the Deputy Assistant to the President and Senior Director for Counterterrorism at the National Security Council (NSC) after reportedly being introduced to Trump by Sean Hannity, Patel played a prominent role in the Trump administration’s battle with the intelligence community. Prior to the move to the Defense Department, at the White House, Patel was reportedly among a “small group of aides who traveled with Trump extensively during the final stretch of the campaign.” At the Pentagon, he reportedly interfered with efforts to support the transition and share information about important defense issues with incoming Biden officials.

- At the same time, Trump installed another loyalist, Ezra Cohen-Watnick, as the Pentagon’s new undersecretary for intelligence and security, the top defense intelligence position. Watnick, a protégé of Michael Flynn, was brought onto the National Security Council when Flynn was the national security advisor only to be removed by Flynn’s successor, H.R. McMaster. According to Betrayal, the book by Jonathan Karl, Cohen-Watnick was seen as someone who shared Flynn’s “lunatic views.”

- On Nov. 30, 2020, Trump nominated Scott O’Grady, a former Air Force pilot to a senior Pentagon position; O’Grady openly advanced the false claim that Trump won the election in a landslide and suggested the President should declare martial law.

- Anthony Tata, a retired Army one-star general replaced James Anderson as acting undersecretary for policy. Tata “repeatedly spread conspiracy theories that a former CIA director [John Brennan] tried to overthrow President Donald Trump and even have him assassinated,” in addition to advancing several other conspiracies, CNN reported. Trump had nominated Tata to the post of under secretary of defense for policy, but was forced to withdraw the nomination in Fall 2020 after the Republican-led committee canceled the nomination he Walk:aring. But Trump also kept Tata at the Pentagon under a new title until replacing Anderson after the election.


Some of these officials were themselves reportedly involved in efforts to overturn the election based on QAnon-aligned conspiracies about the results, according to Jonathan Karl’s reporting. The first attempts by Trump’s allies to enlist one of these officials reportedly went nowhere. After Thanksgiving 2020, Michael Flynn attempted to enlist Cohen-Watnick to join the effort to overturn the election, including to effectuate orders and to seize ballots. Cohen-Watnick says he refused to get involved. Then, Trump lawyer Sidney Powell attempted to enlist Cohen-Watnick in a “special operations mission” to retrieve CIA Director Gina Haspel from Germany, where Powell believed Haspel was on a mission to destroy evidence of voter fraud located there. Cohen-Watnick was also reportedly shocked that Powell called him on his direct line at the Pentagon, a number that he thought someone with access to the internal directory had to have given her. Cohen-Watnick was disturbed by this communication, and informed acting Secretary Miller.

Then, in late December, Patel employed Department of Defense resources to investigate another QAnon-aligned conspiracy theory that Italian military satellites had rigged voting machines in the election, according to Betrayal. Patel asked Cohen-Watnick for assistance but was rejected. Patel, however, reportedly succeeded in getting Miller to ask the director of the Pentagon’s Defense Intelligence Agency to investigate the idea. Internal emails later revealed that Mark Meadows tried to get the Justice Department to look into the same allegations, an idea which the deputy attorney general described to the acting attorney general as “pure insanity.”

https://www.justsecurity.org/79623/crisis-of-command-the-pentagon-the-president-and-january-6/