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Offline Rick Plant

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Re: U.S. Politics
« Reply #936 on: July 30, 2022, 10:28:01 AM »
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Joe Manchin and Chuck Schumer Have a Surprise for You

An 18-month odyssey culminates in a smaller-than-promised, bigger-than-expected agreement to lower health care costs, tax corporations, and protect the planet.



Five years ago today, the late John McCain strode onto the Senate floor and delivered a thumbs-down to the Republican repeal of Obamacare, a white whale they had been pursuing since well before obtaining a governing trifecta. The legislative agenda in the Trump years narrowed to a historically unpopular tax cut and deregulation.

One year ago today, Chuck Schumer and Joe Manchin signed a secret deal to deliver a $1.5 trillion reconciliation bill that would include “no additional handouts or transfer payments” on any health or family care policies, and investments in “fuel neutral” energy, with carbon-capture technologies mandated for fossil fuel infrastructure, a zero-emission vehicle credit that included hydrogen fuel cell cars, with parity for both renewable and fossil fuel tax credits. Among the measures to help pay for it were a corporate minimum tax of 15 percent and an end to the carried interest loophole.

For 364 days, Manchin went back and forth on pretty much all of these provisions, rejecting the bill outright, then crawling back to the table, going into bargaining with Schumer, leaving that bargaining, and coming back. And one year to the day later, we have a bill called the Inflation Reduction Act of 2022, which includes everything in that previous paragraph and a lot more on energy and climate, plus the ACA insurance exchange subsidies and prescription drug price reforms we knew about. But overall, the bill spends $433 billion, a little over $1 trillion less than that original topline. Much of its revenue goes to deficit reduction.

There is no such thing as a genuine surprise in Washington—usually. This was a genuine surprise. I had been talking to people this week who would or should have known that talks between Manchin and Schumer, thought to be moribund, were taking place. The closest I got to foreknowledge was one source saying that they just didn’t believe it. An army of reporters, lobbyists, and hangers-on didn’t know this was happening.

The reveal was made a few hours after the Senate cleared the CHIPS and Science Act, a bill that offers semiconductor manufacturers subsidies for reshoring and boosts science programs. Mitch McConnell had threatened that bill, something highly cherished by Schumer, if Democrats persisted with a party-line bill that raised taxes and boosted clean energy. When Manchin walked away from negotiations with Schumer just two weeks ago over those two items, McConnell let his guard down and allowed a vote on CHIPS, which was popular with many of his Republican colleagues. Schumer and Manchin waited until that cleared the Senate before announcing a reconciliation deal with taxes and climate back in.

If you told me a cosmic ray hit Washington and flipped everyone’s brains, giving Schumer the Machiavellian cunning of a Republican and giving McConnell the guileless approach of a Democrat, that might be a more plausible explanation for this display than the truth. It’s a near-legendary turn of events that infuriated McConnell so much he took hostage a bill to give dying veterans exposed to toxic burn pits medical care, something Republicans passed overwhelmingly just a few weeks ago (it needed a technical fix). The combination of the revival of the Biden agenda and red-faced Republicans making terrible choices on highly popular legislation is one for the ages.

We’ll get to the details, which are critical, and the lingering opportunities for failure, which are real, in a minute. But in the interest of full disclosure, I personally thought it was no longer worth bothering with Manchin anymore after he walked away yet again and offered only the ACA/drug pricing remnants as what he could accept. Time and again in this interminable process, Manchin was asked what he could accept, by Schumer, by Biden, and he’d just change his mind, from day to day and week to week. It was impossible to get a straight answer, or one that stuck for more than a day or so. And so I thought it was time to cut bait.

But Manchin did not. According to his interview with Politico last night, it took him all of four days after killing the deal to ask Schumer to restart it. What happened in that time? Manchin was clearly bothered by being blamed, by everyone, as the man who let the Biden agenda die and the planet burn. The very next day, he went on local radio and insisted he hadn’t ended anything, that he just wanted to see the July inflation numbers (which won’t be out for a couple more weeks). He was attacked, in op-eds that detailed “What Joe Manchin Cost Us” (written by a lead technical adviser to the Democrats on climate policy), in news stories that made very clear who was responsible. Green groups and particularly blue/green labor/environment groups were insistent. Larry Summers told him in a meeting that his rationale that climate investment and tax increases were inflationary was nonsense.

Now, I was calling out Manchin’s disingenuousness on inflation and public investment as far back as last September. But Joe Manchin isn’t supposed to listen to someone like me. His Achilles’ heel was elite accountability. He didn’t want to be targeted by elites as the bad guy, the man who dashed Democratic hopes, alone, by himself. Past wavering from Manchin had some elite buy-in, that he was just mad about “gimmicks” in the spending package, or that the inflation claims had some validity. That was not the case here. And Manchin wilted under that pressure. There was an inside-outside game that succeeded.

The irony is that many, many, many millions of dollars were spent trying to prop up Build Back Better in very traditional ways, when all that was needed was prime placement in the op-ed pages Manchin reads to make him uncomfortable.

Now, all that said: What’s in the bill, and was it worth the agita? The health care piece has already been covered: extending the subsidies that make insurance affordable in the Affordable Care Act (for three years, beyond the end of this presidency, which is important), combined with an exceedingly modest drug price reform that still yields $288 billion in Medicare savings and more for individual seniors, is fine. The Democrats should find a way to get insulin back into the mix, rather than leaving it out so a bipartisan bill can fail.

The tax measures are simple. There’s a corporate alternative minimum tax for companies with more than $1 billion in annual profit. It’s based loosely on Elizabeth Warren’s book profits tax from the 2020 campaign, which derived profit from financial statements to investors, not deduction-heavy tax filings; however, it seems like some credits will be able to count against profits, meaning more savings for corporations. There’s also an $80 billion investment in the IRS that CBO believes will raise $124 billion in revenue on net (the Biden administration thinks it will be much higher), and a tweak, not a closure, of the carried interest loophole.

As Victor Fleischer explains, that tweak really just extends the “holding period” where income is treated as capital gains (with a lower tax rate) from three to five years. So if a private equity fund owns an asset for more than five years before selling, they get the lower tax rate. Often portfolio companies are held for longer than that. Regulations could strengthen this, but the tweak only adds $14 billion over ten years, and you could easily see it having been put in so it can be taken out later.

There’s also a nice $15 million pilot program to study a direct e-file tax return system, administered by the government instead of private tax preparers like Intuit. The administration has a keen interest in that one.

As for the climate and energy measures, you will hear a lot that this is the largest climate action taken by the U.S. government in history. Those statements often tell you nothing, because it’s a “compared to what” scenario. On its own terms, this narrows energy investment from $550 billion in the initial Build Back Better Act to $369 billion, though a “climate bank” and “climate accelerator” could allow for another $290 billion in investment from the private sector. This is mostly achieved through scaling back the credits; included in that number is an “all of the above” energy strategy with incentives for fossil fuel production (with carbon capture), offshore oil and gas (with a larger royalty payment), biofuel production, and more. This was of course the only way to get Manchin’s buy-in, a trade of sustaining carbon emissions (hopefully slightly cleaner ones) for the green transition.

I don’t have a full breakdown of how much of that $369 billion is for cleantech, but there are hundreds of billions enumerated in the topline summary, and that doesn’t include the electric-vehicle benefit, which is $4,500 for used vehicles and $7,500 for new ones, up to fixed income limits, and available at point of sale. Other things climate hawks have pointed out include $60 billion in environmental justice provisions (neighborhood block grants, along with port pollution reduction), manufacturing tax credits for renewables, energy efficiency subsidies, a methane leakage fee, and $5 billion in grants to utilities to decarbonize, as well as a direct-pay credit for public power facilities.

Manchin also secured a promise from leadership for unspecified “permitting reform” by the end of September. (This is apparently mainly so the natural gas Mountain Valley Pipeline that runs through West Virginia can get approved.) This creates an interesting new “two-track” strategy, where Manchin wants the thing that will come later (permitting) instead of the thing that will come first (the Inflation Reduction Act). Progressives could certainly stiff Manchin on the permit stuff, though they’d be under pressure not to, and Republicans could vote to deregulate permitting and make progressives irrelevant.

As ever, it’s not over. Schumer wants to put this on the floor next week. The measures were all things Kyrsten Sinema previously supported, but she was blindsided by the deal and hasn’t firmly said she’s on board. Bob Menendez, who has been a quiet problem on several elements of the bill, got louder on Wednesday, saying that the restoration of the state and local tax (SALT) deduction should get into the final version. Other SALT fans lurk in the House, where Nancy Pelosi only has four votes to spare, but they were less insistent than Menendez.

It’s hard to predict anything in this situation anymore, but the potential holdouts are much more tied to the Democratic establishment structure than Manchin, so the odds lean toward it working out, though not necessarily sharply.

So what’s the final verdict? It’s nothing short of a miracle that Manchin came back to the bargaining table, thanks to an inside-outside game that was one of the few examples of smart tactical strategy in the past two years. The result is about one-ninth of the spending and less than half of the revenue of the initial Biden agenda vision.

But all that spending couldn’t carry its own weight. As I said last October in The New York Times, it would be far superior to do a few less things and do them well. Laying out a climate, health care, and tax bill in March 2021 would have saved a year-plus of heartache. Squishing the entire agenda into one bill, and significantly worsening those pieces so they could fit, was a bad idea. This isn’t a perfect one either. It is what the system could bear, and it got the big thing—a plan to protect the planet from the worst ravages of global heating—about 80 percent right.

https://prospect.org/politics/joe-manchin-and-chuck-schumer-have-a-surprise-for-you/

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Re: U.S. Politics
« Reply #936 on: July 30, 2022, 10:28:01 AM »


Offline Rick Plant

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Re: U.S. Politics
« Reply #937 on: July 30, 2022, 10:32:37 AM »
US House votes to ban assault weapons as Republicans criticize ‘gun grab’

The House has passed legislation to revive a ban on semi-automatic guns, the first vote of its kind in years and a direct response to the firearms often used in the crush of mass shootings ripping through communities nationwide.

Once banned in the US, the high-powered firearms are now widely blamed as the weapon of choice among young men responsible for many of the most devastating mass shootings. But Congress allowed the restrictions first put in place in 1994 on the manufacture and sales of the weapons to expire a decade later, unable to muster the political support to counter the powerful gun lobby and reinstate the weapons ban.

Speaker Nancy Pelosi pushed the vote toward passage in the Democratic-run House, saying the earlier ban had “saved lives”.

The House legislation is shunned by Republicans, who dismissed it as an election-year strategy by Democrats. Almost all Republicans voted against the bill, which passed 217-213. It will probably stall in the 50-50 Senate.

The bill comes at a time of intensifying concerns about gun violence and shootings – the supermarket shooting in Buffalo, New York; massacre of school children in Uvalde, Texas; and the Fourth of July shooting of revelers in Highland Park, Illinois.

Voters seem to be taking such election-year votes seriously as Congress splits along party lines and lawmakers are forced to go on the record with their views. A recent vote to protect same-sex marriages from potential supreme court legal challenges won a surprising amount of bipartisan support.

Joe Biden, who was instrumental in helping secure the first semi-automatic weapons ban as a senator in 1994, encouraged passage, promising to sign the bill if it reached his desk. In a statement before the vote, his administration said: “We know an assault weapons and large-capacity magazine ban will save lives.”

The Biden administration said for 10 years while the ban was in place, mass shootings declined. “When the ban expired in 2004, mass shootings tripled,” the statement said.

Republicans stood firmly against limits on ownership of the high-powered firearms during an at times emotional debate ahead of voting.

“It’s a gun-grab, pure and simple,” said Guy Reschenthaler of Pennsylvania.

Said Andrew Clyde of Georgia: “An armed America is a safe and free America.”

Democrats argued that the ban on the weapons makes sense, portraying Republicans as extreme and out of step with Americans.

Jim McGovern of Massachusetts said the weapons ban was not about taking away Americans’ second amendment rights but ensuring that children also had the right “to not get shot in school”.

National gun violence prevention organizations are describing the House’s actions as a promising step toward getting future restrictions passed at the federal level.

“Just a few years ago this would have been unthinkable,” said Trevon Bosley, a board member of March for Our Lives. The organization was born after a young gunman shot and killed 17 students and staff of Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Florida.

“This bill won’t save lives yet, but it does send a powerful message to the millions of young people who are growing up fighting for our lives: change is possible.”

The bill would make it unlawful to import, sell or manufacture a long list of semi-automatic weapons. Jerry Nadler, chair of the judiciary committee, said it exempts those already in possession.

Since the previous ban expired nearly two decades ago, Democrats had been reluctant to revisit the issue and confront the gun lobby. But voter opinions appear to be shifting and Democrats dared to act before the fall election. The outcome will also make candidates’ stance on gun legislation clear ahead of the midterm elections.

Congress passed a modest gun violence prevention package just last month in the aftermath of the tragic shooting of 19 school children and two teachers in Uvalde. That bipartisan bill was the first of its kind after years of failed efforts to confront the gun lobby, including after a similar 2012 mass tragedy at Sandy Hook elementary school in Newtown, Connecticut.

That law provides for expanded background checks on young adults buying firearms, allowing authorities to access certain juvenile records. It also closes the so-called “boyfriend loophole” by denying gun purchases for those convicted of domestic abuse outside of marriages.

The new law also frees up federal funding to the states, including for “red flag” laws that enable authorities to remove guns from those who would harm themselves or others.

But even that modest effort at halting gun violence came at time of grave uncertainty in the US over restrictions on firearms as the more conservative supreme court is tackling gun rights and other issues.

Biden signed the measure two days after the supreme court’s ruling striking down a New York law that restricted people’s ability to carry concealed weapons.

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2022/jul/29/us-house-assault-weapons-ban-bill-senate

Offline Rick Plant

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Re: U.S. Politics
« Reply #938 on: July 30, 2022, 11:30:06 PM »
Extremist Republicans have 'taken things too far' with culture wars and moderates are worried: report

Hardline positions on abortion and LGBTQ rights have some moderate Republicans worried the GOP will pay the price at the polls.

"Uncompromising positions and loaded rhetoric on key social issues are escalating concerns within GOP circles that the party is moving too far out of sync with popular opinion, projecting new hostility to gay people and potentially alienating women voters in high-stakes races," The Washington Post reported Saturday. "The Supreme Court’s decision overturning Roe v. Wade and ending a nationwide right to abortion last month has spawned strict new bans and stirred fears that gay rights and access to contraception could be next — shifting the focus from other culture-war battles where Republicans felt they had a winning message."

The newspaper interviewed Christine Matthews, a GOP strategist in Virginia.

“I feel we’re on this sort of seesaw where one party sort of gets the upper hand on social-cultural issues, then they overplay that hand,” she said. “Republicans have taken things too far.”

She warned of the Democratic Party argument that Republicans “want to take our country back to the 1950s."

California GOP strategist John Thomas admitted abortion is "not a winning issue for us."

One prominent GOP strategist, granted anonymity by the newspaper, did not think comments from the most extreme Republicans would harm them in the midterms.

“Every village has an idiot, and we have several villages,” the strategist said. “I don’t think there’s probably anything said before Oct. 15 that’s going to stick around till Election Day. And it’s got to be said by a high-enough profile [figure].”

Read the full report: https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2022/07/30/republicans-roe-abortion-lgbt/

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Re: U.S. Politics
« Reply #938 on: July 30, 2022, 11:30:06 PM »


Offline Rick Plant

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Re: U.S. Politics
« Reply #939 on: July 31, 2022, 04:28:48 AM »
Indiana Republicans advance near-total abortion ban



Indiana lawmakers narrowly voted Saturday to advance a Republican-backed bill that would ban virtually all abortions in the state.

Senators debated the bill for more than three hours before voting 26-20 on the bill during a special legislative session. That was the fewest number of votes needed to advance the bill to the House chamber, where it will be debated next week.

“I’m glad to see that we’ve gotten to this point,” said bill author Sen. Sue Glick, R-LaGrange, who noted that her legislation would put a halt to about 98% of all abortions in Indiana. “ It’s an issue that’s been with us for many, many years … and it won’t go away. I think it’s important we keep our minds open and we keep the ideas flowing.”

Indiana could be the first state to approve new legislation restricting access to abortions since the U.S. Supreme Court ruled last month to overturn Roe v. Wade. West Virginia lawmakers on Friday refused to pass their bill to ban the procedure.

Glick, along with Senate President Pro Tem Rodric Bray, said they expect the House to make amendments to the bill. What those changes could be are still uncertain.

Still, Glick said she won’t give blanket support to any version of the bill that could pass out of the House.

“I can’t open up abortion on-demand — walking in and saying, ‘I want abortion for any reason, at any point during the pregnancy.’ That’s not where I personally am,” Glick said. “If that’s in the bill, I wouldn’t carry it.”

Glick said she has “a deep feeling” that lawmakers need to approve more wraparound services. She’s also worried that the current bill “interferes” with doctor-patient relationships, which she hopes is addressed in the House.

The Indiana State Medical Association (ISMA) raised the same concern, saying in a statement Friday that the legislature is “creating an atmosphere that is being perceived by many physicians as antagonistic toward their profession.”

“Indiana cannot have an effective health care system if the training and expertise of physicians is not respected and they are under constant threat of political interference for practicing medicine and assisting their patients,” said ISMA executive vice president Julie Reed.

Democrats push back, but Republicans mostly quiet

Hundreds of abortion rights proponents rallied in the Statehouse halls Saturday, cheering and clapping as senators in the minority caucus argued the bill is a form of government-overreach that infringes on women’s right to access “basic” healthcare. The cheers turned to booing, chanting and shouting during Republicans’ remarks.

“You said this is not a forced pregnancy bill, and I am here to tell you that it is,” said Sen. Tim Lanane, D-Anderson. He emphasized that the bill would “force” some women to remain pregnant, which he said would lead to “more back-alley abortions.”

Sharing her own story, Sen. Shelli Yoder, D-Bloomington, said she went to Planned Parenthood three times during her pregnancy, considering an abortion. She opted not to get an abortion, but said she needed all 20 weeks allowed under current law to make that decision. The bill takes that choice away from other women.

The exception for rape and incest — which sets an 8-week limit on abortion for those age 16 or older — is “nothing,” she added.

“This bill will bring terror and despair to thousands of women,” Yoder said. “This bill is cruel, invasive, mired in hypocrisy, a grave misunderstanding of science and medical expertise.”

Sen. Jean Breaux, D-Indianapolis, added that Democrats have “tried to make a bad bill better” with various amendments, although nearly all were struck down.

“It is a consequential piece of legislation that can harm women, children and families,” she said. “The global trend is toward a liberalization of abortion restrictions. But Indiana is reverting backwards.”

In his impassioned remarks, Sen. Faddy Qaddoura, D-Indianapolis, said he refused “to play God.” He called on the General Assembly to instead invest in healthcare and education.

“We’re rushing through a political process at the expense of women,” he said.

Few senators in the GOP supermajority spoke on the bill. All who approached the mic were opposed to the measure, though bill-supporter Sen. Liz Brown, R-Fort Wayne, rose to question several Democrats on their positions. A handful of Republicans additionally gave brief remarks in support of the bill as they voted.

Sen. Mike Young, R-Indianapolis, who recently resigned from the Republican caucus amid disagreements over the GOP approach to abortion-restricting legislation, was one of 10 Republicans who voted against the measure.

He said he disagreed with the bill’s requirement for women to submit a notarized affidavit to their doctor to access an abortion in cases of rape or incest. He also took issue with language that allows the procedure to preserve the health of the mother rather than just the life.

Young’s contentious amendment that sought to remove exceptions for rape and incest failed earlier this week. That was after an hours-long debate that saw Republican senators emotional and divided on how far the proposed abortion ban should go.

But Kyle Walker, R-Lawerence, said he’s in the “gray area” between the two poles of the issue. Favoring some restrictions, Walker said it should be possible to write a more balanced bill.

“I believe in a balanced approach to this policy,” he said, saying women should be allowed to “make their own decisions” in at least the first trimester. He also supports exceptions for “both the health and life of the mother,” as well as “reasonable exceptions” for rape and incest.

Vaneta Becker, a Republican from Evansville, said she opposed the abortion ban because “it violates all of my Republican principles.”

“The purpose of government is to help its people live in safety and happiness … Does this proposed legislation reflect limited government or fiscal responsibility?” she said. “Most of our constituents overwhelmingly object to this proposed legislation.”

Bill heads to the House, but do Hoosiers want the ban?

Republican House Speaker Todd Huston said Friday he hadn’t yet reviewed the bill. He told reporters he would address the proposal next week, but said he supported exceptions for rape, incest and life of the mother in an abortion ban.

“We’ll have that conversation,” Huston said. “Clearly, I do support those exceptions and I’ll have that conversation with the caucus.”

On Saturday, Glick acknowledged for the first time a highly-guarded poll conducted by the House and Senate GOP campaign committees. Multiple GOP insiders who spoke to the Indiana Capital Chronicle said the poll indicates that Hoosiers don’t want a near-virtual ban on abortion.

Instead, people in Indiana support exceptions for rape, incest and the life of the mother. And many are supportive of allowing abortion up to 15 weeks of gestation.

Glick maintained Saturday that the poll “is one of several” reviewed by GOP lawmakers in recent months.

“I think that we seize on (polls) sometimes that agree with what the direction we want to go. And then we disregard others,” Glick said. “I think there are vast differences of opinion — and that goes to the people on the street, to people in this building.”

Huston did not acknowledge the poll’s existence on Friday, however.

“We come here as representatives of our districts and people that have strong opinions … wherever we land is what our caucus believes is the right public policy for Indiana,” he said. “Myself and everybody’s always been clear on our positions on this. We’ve had elections with clear views on this … we’ll have elections moving forward.”

https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/2022/07/30/indiana-senate-narrowly-advances-abortion-ban-to-house/

Offline Rick Plant

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Re: U.S. Politics
« Reply #940 on: July 31, 2022, 06:24:58 AM »
Bill Gates was among a ‘wide range’ of CEOs and labor bosses who lobbied to change Manchin’s mind on the Inflation Reduction Act: report



Bill Gates was among those who lobbied U.S. Sen. Joe Manchin—a frequent key Democratic holdout—to support an economic package focusing on climate and health care, after more than a year of negotiations.

The push for the conservative Democrat to support what is now the Inflation Reduction Act—but was, until recently, the Build Back Better Act—included more than 20 leaders of clean energy manufacturing companies with plans to put down roots in Manchin’s West Virginia. They included Bill Gates, who owns a venture capital firm that has backed a battery start-up there, Politico reports.

Also among those who pitched in on lobbying efforts: former U.S. Treasury Secretary and Director of the National Economic Council Larry Summers.

“It was across the board,” Collin O’Mara, CEO of the National Wildlife Federation, told the political news outlet of the effort to obtain contrarian Manchin’s support. O’Mara reportedly played a key role in persuading Manchin to resume talks.

“He heard from a wide range.”

Gates on Friday tweeted that he was “really excited to see Senators Schumer and Manchin come together in what could be a historic step forward for climate."

Democrats were tantalizingly close to passing the Biden-envisioned Build Back Better Act last year, with a $3.5 trillion price tag, until Manchin torpedoed efforts in December, saying he couldn’t back the deal that would have provided a more generous tax credit for families with children, created free preschool, and increased child care aid, in addition to providing more than $500 billion aimed at curbing carbon emissions, according to the Associated Press.

Last year Manchin also derailed a smaller $2 trillion deal that passed the House.

The difference this time? Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., created a compromise package with Manchin, trimming the newly dubbed Inflation Reduction Act to a mere $433 billion. The bill would curb prescription drug prices, subsidize private health insurance for millions, boost the IRS’ budget so it can collect more unpaid taxes, foster clean energy and off-shore drilling, and collect new taxes from large corporations and hedge fund owners.

The bill, however, must still pass a vote in the Senate. All 50 Democrats there will be needed to pass it, with the unpredictable conservative Democrat Arizona Democrat Krysten Sinema still silent on her views. In the House Democrats can only afford to lose four votes. Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif, on Friday, said the House will indeed pass the package, once approved by the Senate, according to the AP.

Schumer wants to see the bill pass the Senate next week. Politics aside, another factor could come into play: COVID. Sen. Richard Durbin, D-Ill., recently announced he had contracted the sometimes deadly disease, and Sen. Patrick Leahy has been out for hip surgery. Both men, who are elderly and at greater risk for adverse outcomes from COVID, are expected to return to the chamber this coming week. Whether others will be absent due to illness remains to be seen.

https://fortune.com/2022/07/30/bill-gates-lobbied-joe-manchin-inflation-reduction-act-build-back-better-act-democrats/

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Re: U.S. Politics
« Reply #940 on: July 31, 2022, 06:24:58 AM »


Offline Rick Plant

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Re: U.S. Politics
« Reply #941 on: August 01, 2022, 05:05:57 AM »
Paul Begala unleashes on 'gutless, spineless, soulless hacks' Republicans for blocking veterans health bill

Democratic strategist Paul Begala unleashed on Republicans for flip-flopping on their support for the veterans' health legislation that would help those who've developed cancers and other health issues after exposure to toxic chemicals and toxic burn pits during combat operations.

"There's a special place for Republicans who oppose helping save the lives of the men and women who served our country," he began. "It's Sunday, I don't want to say where it is, but it is not the United States Senate. They don't belong there. They are gutless, spineless, soulless hacks. I cannot believe that people excuse this. It is the exact same bill. They've passed it before. The only thing that changed is the politics. I think they're angry that Sen. [Joe] Manchin is passing the president's climate and health care bill. Fight about that later. But to do that to veterans is despicable. I'm being careful to watch my language but, you can imagine what I'm thinking."

Conservative Alice Stewart tried to explain that Democrats have added things that somehow make it unacceptable for Republicans to support. In reality, what was added by Democrats in the House was nothing more than a technical fix that required the Senate to vote on it again. It shouldn't have been controversial, given 84 Senators supported it just weeks before.

There are no additional parts of the legislation that would have done something outside of the original intent and purpose of the bill. It was a technical fix and nothing more. The so-called "budget" issue they have with the bill was in the bill they supported months prior.

What has changed, however, is that Republicans didn't think that President Joe Biden's "Build Back Better" bill was going to pass after Manchin indicated he was against it. Manchin worked with Democrats to rework the bill and put it into the budget reconciliation package that can't be filibustered.

Republicans have tried to stop all legislation from moving forward under Biden's presidency to eliminate any possibility of Democrats being able to show progress. The problem they faced, however, is that a lot of the bills moving through are bipartisan, if not straight-up GOP supported.

Republican Rep. Mike McCaul (R-TX) was furious when he saw his GOP colleagues vote against the semiconductor bill that he has been trying to pass for years. He explained not being able to have certain chips and electronics, and relying on Taiwan for them, put the U.S. in a difficult position climbing out of the supply chain issues post-pandemic.

McCaul also said that it made good sense in terms of national security. If China were to invade Taiwan, it would mean China would also be taking over chips used in American defense equipment. Republicans were supportive of the effort, in fact, many of them voted for it two years ago, but suddenly some of McCaul's colleagues refused to support it this year.

Sen. Jon Cornyn (R-TX) was miffed, saying that he felt tricked by Republicans supporting the semiconductor bill and then being told the Manchin bill would be under budget reconciliation that they couldn't stop from passing. It was hours later that Manchin announced the budget package. So, Republicans can't stop the budget bill and the only other legislation that will likely come up for a vote is the veterans' bill. Protesting the veterans' legislation is the only power they have left to exercise, even if it is a public relations disaster for them.

Families fighting cancers from these burn pits are being pressed with impossible expenses and are losing family members. One soldier's wife who appeared on CNN earlier Sunday afternoon explained that after being diagnosed and knowing there was no money or help, the soldier simply committed suicide.

Begala explained that it's Republicans who are playing politics with the veterans' bill.

The adage goes that when a politician is trying to explain away something, they're losing. That will likely become the case for the GOP on this issue.

Approximately 3 million veterans could be impacted.

See the debate below:


Offline Rick Plant

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Re: U.S. Politics
« Reply #942 on: August 01, 2022, 05:20:38 AM »
Sen. Chuck Schumer to set vote on Pact Act Bill, which help veterans with illnesses caused by burn pits

NEW YORK -- Sen. Chuck Schumer says he will schedule a vote this week on a bill to help veterans suffering from illnesses caused by toxic burn pits.

The Pact Act Bill would expand health care and disability benefits to millions of veterans across the country, including 3.5 million in New York.

Many of the veterans became sick from exposure to burn pits during America's wars in Afghanistan and Iraq.

"They've gotten serious, serious conditions -- cancers, lung diseases. They've sacrificed everything. They risk life and limb and the very least we can do as a country is ensure they receive top care," Schumer said.

The bill was set to pass Wednesday, but Senate Republicans changed their vote based on an added provision.

Comedian and activist Jon Stewart, a big supporter of the bill, called the vote change embarrassing.

"But nothing had changed in the bill from the one that they had passed 84 to 14 in June. None of us understood it," Stewart said.

President Joe Biden has said once passed, he will sign the bill.

https://www.cbsnews.com/newyork/news/sen-chuck-schumer-to-set-vote-on-pact-act-bill-which-help-veterans-with-illnesses-caused-by-burn-pits/


The Senate passed a bill to help sick veterans. Then 25 Republicans reversed course



Veterans and their loved ones gathered in Washington, D.C., on Thursday for what was supposed to be a long-awaited celebration.

The Senate finally was poised to pass a bill that would provide health care and benefits for millions of veterans injured by exposure to toxins, from Agent Orange in Vietnam to burn pits in Iraq and Afghanistan. Instead, in a surprise move, 25 Republican senators blocked the measure on Wednesday — even though they had voted in favor of it just one month earlier.

Known as the PACT Act, the bill no longer would force generations of veterans to prove that their illness was caused by toxic exposures suffered in the military in order to get VA coverage. It had been hailed as the largest expansion of care in VA history, and was expected to cost $280 billion over a decade.

Activists had spent a dozen years campaigning for such an expansion — a period during which they lost many of their own, including Sgt. First Class Heath Robinson, for whom the bill is named. He served near a burn pit during his deployments to Kosovo and Iraq with the Ohio National Guard, and died of a rare cancer in 2020.

The bill — like many issues related to veterans' health — had amassed deep bipartisan support, and easily passed the Senate by an 84-14 vote in June. But a technical error required another vote, and this time, more than two dozen Republicans switched sides. The final tally was 55-42 (with three senators abstaining), falling short of the 60 votes needed to overcome a filibuster.

Veterans groups, family members, longtime advocate Jon Stewart and several Democratic lawmakers gathered outside the U.S. Capitol after the vote on Thursday to voice their outrage.

"They lived up to their oath! These people thought they could finally breathe," Stewart said. "You think their trouble ends because the Pact Act passes? All that means is they don't have to decide between their cancer drugs and their house."

Sen. Jon Tester (D-Mont.), the chair of the Senate Veterans' Affairs Committee, accused Senate Republicans of turning their backs on veterans and their families, in what he called an unacceptable "slap in the face" to service members.

"My colleagues can make up all sorts of excuses as to why they decided to change their vote for this bill, but the bottom line is, veterans will suffer and die as a result on behalf of these excuses, and that's why we've got to pass this bill," he said.

Who changed their votes — and why

Sen. Pat Toomey (R-Pa.) has been leading opposition to the bill, and voted against it both times.

In remarks on the Senate floor, he decried it as a "budgetary gimmick" that would create $400 billion in unrelated spending by moving it from the discretionary to mandatory category. His office has said his proposed technical fix wouldn't reduce any spending on veterans or limit the expansion of care.

Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell said that he supports the substance of the bill, but not the "accounting gimmick," and accused Sen. Majority Leader Chuck Schumer of trying to block Toomey's amendment.

But those same spending concerns didn't seem to pose an initial concern for the more than two dozen Republicans who voted for it last month only to abruptly change their stance. They are: Sens. John Barrasso, Marsha Blackburn, Roy Blunt, Mike Braun, Bill Cassidy, John Cornyn, Tom Cotton, Kevin Cramer, Ted Cruz, Joni Ernst, Deb Fischer, Bill Hagerty, Josh Hawley, Cindy Hyde-Smith, Jim Inhofe, Ron Johnson, John Kennedy, Roger Marshall, Mitch McConnell, Rob Portman, Ben Sasse, Tim Scott, Rick Scott, Dan Sullivan and Todd Young. Sens. Additionally, Sens. Steve Daines and Roger Wicker voted against the bill after not voting in June.

"Every single one has pictures with veterans on their Facebook pages, on their websites," said Susan Zeier, Heath Robinson's mother-in-law, outside the Capitol as her 9-year-old granddaughter wept nearby. "Well, screw that, they don't support veterans. If you won't vote on this bill, you do not support veterans."

Some of those senators are veterans themselves.

"Promises were made and promises were broken," said Kristina Keenan of the Veterans of Foreign Wars. "Sens. Cotton, Ernst, Sullivan are veterans, and they are delaying healthcare for some of the men and women that they served with."

Ernst's office said her opposition was due to the budget issue, while the others did not respond to NPR's request for comment.

Some Democratic lawmakers have offered alternative explanations for their colleagues' sudden switch, noting that it comes just after they reached an agreement of their own on a separate reconciliation bill.

Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.) said in a statement that the "charitable explanation" is that Republicans simply changed their minds, with the alternative being that they "are mad that Democrats are on the verge of passing climate change legislation and have decided to take out their anger on vulnerable veterans."

"Either way, this is not a good day for veterans in this country," he added.

Speaking at Thursday's press conference, Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand (D-N.Y.) called the situation "the worst form of overt politicization I've literally ever seen" and urged people to make sure those 25 senators understand that "they have just sentenced veterans to death because they will not have the healthcare they have earned."

"We had strong bipartisan support for this bill. And at the 11th hour, Sen. Toomey decides that he wants to rewrite the bill," she said. "How he convinced 25 of his colleagues to change their vote, I have no idea. What the hell? How does this happen? How do you change your mind right when you're about to make a law that's gonna save lives? It makes no sense. It's an outrage and there has to be accountability."

What veterans advocates are saying, and what happens next

Veterans groups and activists are slamming Senate Republicans for blocking the measure, and have pledged to keep lobbying for it.

Many took to the podium at Thursday's press conference to demand accountability and further action, calling on lawmakers not to leave for August recess until they can pass the bill.

Schumer has said he would schedule another procedural vote for Monday.

Bob Carey of the veterans' service organization Independence Fund urged senators to stay overnight and into the weekend if needed, even offering to bring coffee, donuts and barbecue if it would help get the job done quickly.

"People tell us, 'we can get this passed in September, or during lame duck,'" he said at the podium. "When you have cancer, when you're sick, a month, two months is a lifetime, both figuratively and possibly literally. We've got to pass this now."

Tom Porter, the executive vice president for government affairs at Iraq and Afghanistan Veterans of America, noted that many of the 25 senators issued press releases touting their earlier votes in support of veterans, only to turn their backs on them.

Stewart, the former talk show host who's become a high-profile veterans advocate, lambasted the Republican senators in a furious, expletive-laden speech.

Stewart noted at one point that the lawmakers being addressed were likely indoors enjoying air conditioning, ignoring the veterans — at least one of whom was wearing an oxygen tube — braving the scorching heat for over an hour to try to make their point.

He also slammed Toomey's characterization of the bill's spending provision as a "slush fund," saying that the U.S. has much bigger funds — without guardrails — in support of its defense budget and overseas military operations.

"You don't support the troops," he said. "You support the war machine."

https://www.npr.org/2022/07/29/1114417097/veterans-burn-pit-bill-republican-senators

JFK Assassination Forum

Re: U.S. Politics
« Reply #942 on: August 01, 2022, 05:20:38 AM »


Offline Rick Plant

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Re: U.S. Politics
« Reply #943 on: August 01, 2022, 05:40:40 AM »
What President Biden has done for the economy, jobs, and GDP is truly historic. And all this during a global pandemic.

The economy has grown 3.4 times faster under Joe Biden than it did under Donald Trump.




GDP growth scorecard by recent Presidencies.

Economy has grown almost twice as fast under Biden as it did under the last GOP Presidents.




Republicans have no real standing to criticize Biden on the economy. 

Their last 3 Presidents have brought recession, exploding deficits and clear economic decline - its among the worst run of economic performances in US history.

Since 1989 45 million net new jobs have been created in the United States. 

43 million - 96% - have been created under Democratic Presidents.   

Yet nobody in the media ever mentions this important fact.




Here's another cut on GDP growth data by recent Presidencies. 

Biden has 3 times the growth than Trump who barely hit 1%. Biden in less than two years is way above the 2 Bushes.