JFK Assassination Forum
JFK Assassination Discussion & Debate => JFK Assassination Discussion & Debate => Topic started by: Anthony Frank on June 08, 2021, 07:09:22 AM
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FBI Special Agent Graham Kitchel wrote a memorandum stating that at 1:45 p.m. on November 22, 1963, one hour and fifteen minutes after President Kennedy was assassinated, “George H. W. Bush,” a resident of “Houston,” called the FBI from Tyler, Texas and “wanted to furnish hearsay that he recalled hearing in recent weeks.”
Bush told the FBI that the “day and source” of the hearsay were “unknown,” and Bush alleged that a man named James Parrott “has been talking of killing the President when he comes to Houston.”
When Bush called the FBI, he identified himself as “President of the Zapata Off-shore Drilling Company” in Houston and said that Parrott is “possibly a student at the University of Houston.” He also gave the names and phone numbers of two people who, according to Bush, “would be able to furnish additional information regarding the identity of Parrott.”
Bush told the FBI that he was “proceeding to Dallas” and “would remain in the Dallas-Sheraton Hotel” and then “return to his residence on 11-23-63.” The Dallas-Sheraton Hotel is where the “Secret Service” had set up shop for President Kennedy’s Dallas visit.
One week after George Bush called the FBI and then traveled to the Dallas-Sheraton Hotel, FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover sent a memorandum to the State Department’s “Bureau of Intelligence and Research” stating that information concerning the “Assassination of President John F. Kennedy” had been “orally furnished to Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency.”
The Assassination Records Review Board, which was established by Congress in 1992 to declassify records related to President Kennedy’s assassination, inquired with the CIA concerning Hoover’s 1963 memorandum and his identification of “George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency.”
The CIA claimed it had “no association with George Herbert Walker Bush during the time frame referenced,” and they supplied the Review Board with “records” to support their claim.
But CIA officers are assigned pseudonyms when they join the CIA, and all CIA “records” concerning Bush would refer to him not as “George Herbert Walker Bush,” but would instead refer to him by his CIA pseudonym.
When CIA officer Philip Agee wrote a book about his career in the CIA, he stated that the CIA’s “Records Branch” assigned him a “pseudonym” when he joined the CIA. Agee stated that it was “the secret name that I’ll use for the next thirty years on every piece of internal Agency correspondence: dispatches, cables, reports, everything I write. It will be the name by which I’ll be known in promotions, fitness reports, and other personnel actions.”
Bush, with a “nonofficial cover” as a private citizen in the oil business, used his real name when he called the FBI, identifying himself as “President of the Zapata Off-shore Drilling Company,” but Bush obviously displayed his CIA credentials when he went to the Dallas-Sheraton Hotel.
When FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover notified the State Department’s Bureau of Intelligence and Research that “George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency” had been “orally furnished” with information on the assassination, it was not “internal Agency correspondence.” J. Edgar Hoover simply identified Bush by his real name, the name Bush used when he called the FBI, not the name by which Bush is known on CIA “records.”
The FBI’s subsequent investigation of James Parrott determined he had nothing to do with President Kennedy’s assassination and that there was no evidence of him threatening to kill President Kennedy. And far from being a “student at the University of Houston,” Parrott was a 24-year-old “self-employed” sign painter who lived with his mother and had a seventh-grade education.
Barbara Bush, George Bush’s wife, wrote in her memoirs that when President Kennedy was assassinated, she and George were in Tyler, Texas “in the middle of a several-city swing” pursuant to George’s bid for the U.S. Senate. She was at the “beauty parlor” when she heard on the radio that President Kennedy had been shot, and after George picked her up, they “went right to the airport,” which means George was off doing his CIA stuff and notifying the FBI while his wife was at the beauty parlor.
Mrs. Bush, however, said nothing about George going to the Dallas-Sheraton Hotel after they landed in Dallas.
It’s all in my book. Click the link.
https://www.amazon.com/dp/B07V9JT65Y
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https://educationforum.ipbhost.com/topic/17916-george-hw-bush-photos/?tab=comments#comment-230343
interviewed Aubrey Irby for his recollections of the 22nd November 63' and he confirmed what is quoted in Kitty Kelly's book "The Family."
To quote from the book:
"On November 22, 1963, George and Barbara headed for Tyler, Texas (population thirty-five thousand), where he was scheduled for a luncheon speech to the Kiwanis Club, a group of one hundred men, meeting at the Blackstone Hotel.
"I remember it was a beautiful fall day," recalled Aubrey Irby, the former Kiwanis vice president. "George had just started to give his speech when Smitty, the head bellhop, tapped me on the shoulder to say that President Kennedy had been shot. I gave the news to the president of the club, Wendell Cherry, and he leaned over to tell George that wires from Dallas confirmed President Kennedy had been assassinated.,,,
...and Bush did not go to the Sheraton to spend the night, after arriving back in Dallas from Tyler on Joe Zeppo's plane.
The end of an exchange I experienced with Dr. McAdams, five years ago...
https://jfkfacts.org/exchange-on-the-bush-did-it-theory/#comment-861589
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Sinister is the wrong word. The reasonable description is that it is “too much.” Consider that Bush’s
own book describes a meeting initiated by three close friends in 1975 to assess his future political prospects. One of the three had been assigned by the CIA to monitor DeMohrenschildt, commencing two weeks after the Gen. Walker shooting attempt, and it was a component of a CIA Op this friend of Bush later said Bush was partially read into, and a second friend of the three, Gerry Bemiss, matches Billy Lord’s 1977 description.
Bush never explained these details associated with two of his friends, Devine and Bemiss, despite DeMohrenschildt and Lord both being acquainted with “that little nobody,” Oswald. But Bush did have this to say.:
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/01/02/washington/02cnd-ford-ghwb.html
….And the conspiracy theorists can say what they will, but the Warren Commission report will always have the final definitive say on this tragic matter. Why? Because Jerry Ford put his name on it and Jerry Ford’s word was always good….
In addition, Tom Devine arrived at MIT in August 1944, rooming in the Sigma Chi fraternity house with 16 others,
including Priscilla Johnson's future CIA overseer, Garrison "Garry" Coit. What luck!
https://web.archive.org/web/20151010063624/http://sigmachi.mit.edu/docs/beaver_sigs/1946_bsig_vol1946_no1.pdf
(https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/51232950042_383472c20a_c.jpg)(https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/51233865008_7f551414d5_c.jpg)
(https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/51197490078_69a2223cac_b.jpg)
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...and Bush did not go to the Sheraton to spend the night, after arriving back in Dallas from Tyler on Joe Zeppo's plane.
While he may not have stayed the night at the Dallas-Sheraton Hotel, information concerning the “Assassination of President John F. Kennedy” was “orally furnished” to CIA officer George Bush after he went to the Dallas-Sheraton Hotel on November 22.
Bush’s claim that James Parrott had been talking about “killing the President” was just a pretext for going to the Dallas-Sheraton Hotel, where he obviously met with his CIA colleagues and inserted himself into the aftermath of the assassination.
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George H. W. Bush was one of many career CIA officers that KGB officers inside the CIA enlisted as unwitting assets and targeted for political office.
George Bush’s KGB handlers constantly touted him for the “Vice Presidency” with the ultimate goal of assassinating the President to catapult Bush into the “Presidency.”
When Bush lost the Republican nomination to Ronald Reagan in 1980, Reagan’s advisers “heavily pressured” him to choose Bush as a running mate, and President Reagan was shot sixty-nine days after he and Bush took the oath of office. The KGB infiltration was exposed less than three years after they failed to catapult Bush into the Presidency.
The KGB officers had Bush entering the political arena for the first time in 1964 when he ran for a U.S. Senate seat in Texas, while they had another CIA officer, Senator Barry Goldwater, running for President. Bush’s Senate campaign culminated at a Republican rally in San Antonio, Texas on Saturday, October 31, 1964, where fellow CIA officer and Republican Presidential nominee Barry Goldwater was the main speaker.
Three days before CIA officers Bush and Goldwater would go down to defeat in their respective races, Barry Goldwater “singled out” Bush “as a bright hope on the political horizon.”
CIA officer and KGB asset George Bush was then targeted for either the Presidency or the Vice Presidency in the next seven Presidential elections, all of which is detailed in this chapter.
Two years after his 1964 Senatorial loss, CIA officer George Bush was elected to Congress as a Representative from Houston. He took the oath of office on January 3, 1967.
His meteoric rise began on June 5, 1968, seven months before his first Congressional term would expire. On that day, a Washington Post headline read: “Young Texas Congressman Bush Gets Nixon Look As Running Mate.”
Evans and Novak, well-known syndicated columnists for decades, wrote that prominent Evangelist Billy Graham told Richard Nixon that he should choose freshman Congressman George Bush as his 1968 running mate.
Evans and Novak called it “an unusual suggestion” and said it “violates all the rules for picking running mates,” because Bush “has neither a national reputation nor a bloc of delegates to offer Nixon.”
They went on to state, “Nevertheless, Billy Graham’s suggestion was by no means the last Nixon heard of Bush. A quiet Bush-for-Vice President campaign has developed in business and Congressional circles. What’s more, Nixon himself definitely is interested and is considering Bush as a possibility . . . . Moreover, the Texas business establishment is beating the drums for Bush. In one New York meeting with contributors, Nixon received a Bush sales pitch from a Texas industrialist. Another Texas businessman has fired off appeals for Bush to key Nixon supporters, including board chairman George Champion of Chase Manhattan.
“The latest talk about Bush heard by Nixon came last weekend in Atlanta from Rep. Fletcher Thompson of Georgia, a freshman Congressman elected with Bush. Informing Nixon of wide interest in a Nixon-Bush ticket by younger Republican Congressmen, Thompson told Nixon that the combination’s appeal would cross sectional lines . . . . Nixon was interested . . . . There is at least a chance, long shot though it is, that George Bush is the one.”
The CIA enlisted “Evangelist Billy Graham” as an asset more than a year before Graham initiated the “Bush for Vice President” campaign. One month after it was exposed that the CIA launders money by channeling it through foundations, a Time magazine article stated that the CIA had financed Billy Graham’s trip to Latin America, and the New York Times quoted Graham as saying he would “‘try to find out’ if the CIA had funded the trip without his knowledge.”
In November 1968, five months after the KGB’s first attempt to have Bush chosen for the Vice Presidential spot failed, Bush was re-elected to Congress.
Less than halfway through his second term, he was again being targeted for the United States Senate, and it soon became clear that the Senate was supposed to be a springboard into the Vice Presidency, which, in turn, was supposed to be a springboard into the Presidency.
President Richard Nixon’s Chief of Staff, H. R. Haldeman, who kept a diary of what took place in the Nixon White House, wrote that on December 16, 1969, people at the White House were concerned about “losing at least a couple” of the 1970 Senate races, one of which included “George Bush in Texas.”
Ten months later, there was a concerted effort inside the White House to bolster Bush’s prospects in his Senate race and in the next two Presidential elections.
On October 27, 1970, one week before Bush would go down to defeat in his second run at the United States Senate, the Washington Post reported: “President Nixon is going to Texas in hopes of finding his running mate for 1972 and the Republican Presidential candidate for 1976 . . . . That seems far-fetched, but it is the firm conviction of men ‘intimately’ involved in White House political operations that 46-year-old Rep. George Bush of Houston will be that man, if he can, with the President’s help, win his close Senate race next week.”
The Post detailed the unhappiness with Nixon’s Vice President, Spiro Agnew, and noted five possible replacements, adding, “Within this group, Bush is the standout; so much so that Mr. Nixon considered him for Vice President in 1968 when he was just a freshman Congressman.”
In advancing George Bush’s continuing meteoric rise, the article said several positive things about Bush and then added: “His appeal would be more than regional . . . . But his biggest political asset and his greatest attraction to Mr. Nixon is simply the fact that he is a Texan with a chance to carry that vital state.
“It is impossible to exaggerate the importance of Texas to 1972 Republican plans . . . . And that is why, strange as it sounds, Wednesday’s Presidential visit to Texas may without exaggeration be called a milestone in the next two Presidential elections.”
Bush’s loss of his second Senate bid in 1970 derailed efforts to get him onto the 1972 Presidential ticket, but in a prime example of CIA officers using their influence to advance their colleagues up through the ranks, CIA officer George Bush’s “political” career made significant leaps during the Nixon and Ford Administrations.
On December 11, 1970, a short thirty-eight days after Bush lost his second Senate bid, President Nixon announced the appointment of Congressman George Bush to be the United States Ambassador to the United Nations.
CIA officer George Bush, ostensibly nothing more than a former oilman who lost Senate races in 1964 and 1970 and served only four years in Congress, now had an “official cover” with the State Department as U.N. Ambassador, also known as a “diplomatic cover.”
A New York Times editorial was highly critical of it, stating: “There seems to be nothing in his record that qualifies him for this highly important position. The chief of the American mission at the United Nations should be either an outstanding diplomat or someone of demonstrated national stature who has ready access to the President. Mr. Bush is a novice in diplomacy . . . . He is unknown nationally.
“In fact, the choice of Mr. Bush is only the latest oddity in a bizarre chapter that began with the newspaper report of the imminent appointment to the United Nations post of Daniel P. Moynihan, the President’s counselor on urban problems. That was a surprise to the present ambassador, Charles W. Yost, a distinguished career diplomat who had acceded to Mr. Nixon’s request two years ago to serve ‘for the duration.’” (Like Republicans George Bush and Barry Goldwater, future Democratic Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan was a CIA officer and a KGB asset.)
But replacing U.N. Ambassador Charles Yost, the “distinguished career diplomat” who agreed to serve “for the duration,” was not President Nixon’s idea. It was Bush’s idea.
Two days before the appointment, Nixon Chief of Staff H. R. Haldeman wrote that Nixon “definitely wanted to bring Bush into the White House on a general basis” and “called Bush in and gave him the pitch on taking a White House job.” But George Bush, the two-term Congressman who had just lost his second Senate bid a few weeks earlier, was “clearly disappointed” that the President of the United States was now offering him a job at the White House “because he had been hoping for the UN spot.”
Haldeman wrote that in Bush’s meeting with Nixon, Bush told the President “what he’d like to do at the UN in the way of really being an advocate for the President, not only at the UN, but in the overall New York community.” Bush “made such a good pitch” that Nixon was persuaded to give him the UN post. Nixon “decided this was, in fact, a better use of Bush than having him at the White House. This really does work out better because it gives Bush a more prestigious appointment and a seat in the Cabinet.”
The CIA clearly has influence in the right places, and one month after losing his second consecutive Senate race, Nixon “definitely wanted” to give Bush a “White House job.” CIA officer George H. W. Bush then persuaded the President of the United States that instead of giving him a lowly White House job, he should give him “a more prestigious appointment and a seat in the Cabinet.”
Bush could now more easily gather intelligence on Nixon and the inner workings of Nixon’s Cabinet, more so than if he were shuttered in an office somewhere in the White House. As noted in Chapter 1, a CIA officer’s job, whether using an “official cover” or a “nonofficial cover,” is to gather intelligence and conduct secretive operations.
KGB efforts to get Bush into the Vice Presidency picked up again in 1974 and 1975. Bush, himself, knew precisely what buttons to push as he worked in conjunction with his KGB handlers and other CIA officers at the White House. Renegade CIA officers will use a person’s trust to advance the CIA’s agenda.
(Bush’s meteoric rise to be continued in next post)
https://www.amazon.com/dp/B07V9JT65Y
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The “prestigious appointment” to Nixon’s Cabinet came to an end two years later when Bush’s KGB handlers wanted to reignite his political standing among Republicans. Advancing Bush’s political standing was critical to getting him into the Vice Presidency at some point so that they could then assassinate the President and catapult Bush into the Presidency.
On November 27, 1972, Nixon’s Chief of Staff, H. R. Haldeman, wrote that certain people at the Republican National Committee wanted “a full-time professional” to replace the current RNC Chairman, Robert Dole, who had to devote his time to serving as a U.S. Senator.
Two weeks later, the New York Times reported, “Senator Robert Dole announced that he was resigning as Republican National Committee Chairman and that George Bush, United States Representative to the United Nations, had been chosen to replace him . . . . Until today, Senator Dole has maintained that he wanted to stay on and had Mr. Nixon’s support to do so.”
But even though Dole publicly maintained that he still had Nixon’s support to stay on as RNC Chairman, Nixon had given him the bad news thirteen days earlier. Haldeman wrote that Nixon met with Dole on November 28, 1972 and told him that he was replacing him, and Nixon “did mention George Bush as a possibility for the job.”
Dole responded by telling Nixon, “Well, if I came here for the hanging, I at least want to say a word in my own defense.”
On the following day, November 29, two short days after Haldeman wrote that certain people at the Republican National Committee wanted to replace Dole, Nixon had already “told Bush that he’s his choice, and that’s set.”
In 1968, certain people “in business and Congressional circles” were promoting Bush as Nixon’s running mate. In 1970, certain people at the White House were pushing to have Nixon choose Bush as his 1972 running mate while promoting Bush as “the Republican Presidential candidate for 1976.” Certain people at the White House also persuaded Nixon to give Bush “a White House job” in 1970, which Bush turned down only to persuade Nixon to give him “a more prestigious appointment and a seat in the Cabinet,” all of which means certain people at the White House had to be involved in promoting Bush as a particularly ideal choice for RNC Chairman in 1972.
Bush’s KGB handlers obviously had proxies where they needed them.
On May 10, 1973, as clouds of the Watergate scandal formed heavily over the nation and threatened to bring down the Nixon Presidency, Republican National Committee Chairman George Bush was one of “two special envoys from President Nixon” who attended the President’s Cabinet meeting. (As noted in Chapter 1, the “Watergate scandal” originated in June 1972 when operatives in the Nixon re-election campaign broke into the Watergate Hotel in Washington, D.C.)
Unlike his previous position, which allowed him to attend Presidential Cabinet meetings using his “official cover” as U.N. Ambassador, Bush was now gathering intelligence on what was said in a Cabinet meeting while using a “nonofficial cover” as RNC Chairman.
After the meeting, Bush flew to New York to attend the semiannual Conference of Republican Governors, where he proclaimed, “I’ll be darned if we are going to let the ugliness of Watergate obscure the positive record of the President,” which is rather ironic because the KGB officers who were handling Bush and his CIA colleagues in Congress orchestrated the entire “Watergate scandal” to sabotage Nixon’s re-election bid. (With no hope of getting Bush onto the Republican ticket in 1972, the KGB officers were planning to get a CIA officer in Congress onto the Democratic ticket in 1972, more of which is explained later in this book.)
On October 10, 1973, five months after Bush’s “ugliness of Watergate” comment, Vice President Spiro Agnew resigned after pleading no contest to a charge of failure to pay income taxes. President Nixon then “began his search” for a new Vice President and met with “Congressional leaders of both parties and with George Bush, chairman of the Republican National Committee.”
CIA officer George Bush now had direct input into the Presidential decision-making process while gathering intelligence on Nixon’s Vice Presidential search.
Nixon chose House Republican Leader Gerald Ford for the Vice Presidency on October 12, 1973, and ten months later, as the Watergate scandal heated up, Bush’s CIA colleague, Senator and KGB asset Barry Goldwater, helped advance the KGB’s agenda.
Goldwater told a gathering of his fellow Republican Senators that President Nixon had consistently lied and then proclaimed, “There are only so many lies you can take, and now there has been one too many. Nixon should get his ass out of the White House -- today!”
Nixon, facing impeachment for his role in the Watergate cover-up, resigned from the Presidency three days later, thus catapulting Vice President Ford into the Presidency, which meant the Vice Presidency was once again vacant.
CIA officer Barry Goldwater gave his “personal endorsement” to CIA officer George Bush to be Ford’s Vice President.
In addition to Goldwater’s endorsement, Congressman Barber Conable, chairman of the Republican Policy Committee, touted Bush for the Vice Presidency. There were also “former colleagues” in the House of Representatives who were promoting Bush for the Vice Presidency, which is not unlike the 1968 effort in “Congressional circles” to have Nixon choose freshman Congressman George Bush as a running mate. This was the third time in five years that CIA officer George Bush was being widely promoted as the man who should be Vice President.
Bush, while still using his nonofficial cover as RNC Chairman, met with “Vice President Ford” on August 8, 1974, the day before Nixon resigned, and he met with “President Ford” after Nixon resigned on August 9, 1974. He met with President Ford again two days later, which is when KGB asset Barry Goldwater seized the opportunity to “personally endorse” Bush to be Ford’s Vice President.
(Bush’s meteoric rise to be continued in next post)
You can read the entire book at https://www.amazon.com/dp/B07V9JT65Y.
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President Ford chose Nelson Rockefeller for the Vice Presidency, which still worked out well for the KGB, as it left their asset, George Bush, available for the position of CIA Director, a position from which he could springboard into higher office. But there had to be a buffer between Bush’s very partisan political job with the RNC and his appointment to be CIA Director. CIA Directors must be confirmed by the Senate, and Senate Democrats would never confirm the chairman of the Republican National Committee as CIA Director.
So, just a few weeks after Bush and Ford had their series of meetings, Ford appointed Bush to be Chief of the U.S. Liaison Office in Peking, China. The United States had no diplomatic relations with China at the time but did have a Liaison Office, and Bush, as a career CIA officer, was again given an “official cover,” or more precisely, a “diplomatic cover.”
The New York Times reported, “Explaining the selection of Mr. Bush for the Peking post, a high White House official said, ‘George Bush was a strong and viable candidate to be Ford’s Vice-President until the last minute. He is somebody the President holds in high regard. His appointment, therefore, is a signal to the Chinese that the new United States envoy is somebody who has the President’s ear.’”
Fourteen months later, on November 3, 1975, one year before the 1976 Presidential election, President Ford announced he was nominating KGB asset George Bush to be Director of the Central Intelligence Agency. Ford also touted Bush as a possible 1976 running mate.
On November 12, 1975, Washington Post columnist George Will headlined his column “George Bush: Political Ambitions,” writing, “When nominated to be Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, George Bush said he did not think that being Director would forever prevent him from seeking political office. Obviously, he hopes it will not, and his hope was stroked by President Ford’s declaration that Bush is not excluded from consideration as his 1976 running mate.
“At the CIA he would be the wrong kind of guy at the wrong place at the worst possible time. . . . The CIA is under a cloud of dark suspicion based on proven misdeeds. The suspicion is that the CIA is a threat to civil liberties, and perhaps to tranquility, because it is insubordinate or otherwise immune to proper control.
“The problem with Bush is less that he has a political past than that he so obviously and avidly wants to have a political future.”
A Washington Post editorial on November 18 was also critical of Bush and the idea that he should be Director of the CIA, first quoting from the Rockefeller report: “In the final analysis, the proper functioning of the Agency must depend in large part on the character of the Director of Central Intelligence. The best assurance against misuse of the Agency lies in the appointment to that position of persons with the judgment, courage, and independence to resist improper pressure and importuning, whether from the White House, within the Agency or elsewhere.”
The editorial then stated, “Mr. Ford, however, has rejected this advice. In nominating George Bush, a pleasant and able Republican politician currently serving as ambassador in Peking, he has selected a man who, for all of his qualities, would be on very few lists of ‘persons with the judgment, courage, and independence to resist improper pressure and importuning.’
“He apparently would like to be Vice President, a post which is almost entirely the President’s to bestow or withhold. On the basis of his record as ambassador to the U.N., there are doubtless a great many jobs in government which he could do very well, but brief service as Director of Central Intelligence is not among them.
“We mean no offense to Mr. Bush, but we fail to see why the Senate would wish to confirm him, or why, for that matter, he would want the job.”
Bush’s stint as special envoy to China did serve as the necessary buffer between his partisan political position with the RNC and his appointment to be CIA Director. But Democrats on the Senate Armed Services Committee still saw Bush’s political aspirations as a roadblock to approving his nomination, thus Bush faced “the prospect of an 8 to 8 deadlock.”
So, Bush took it upon himself to meet with President Ford three times on December 17, 1975, the day before the Senate Armed Services Committee was to vote on his nomination.
On December 18, the President submitted a letter to the Senate Armed Services Committee Chairman “just before the Committee met to vote on the Bush nomination.” Ford stated that he would “no longer consider Bush as a Vice Presidential running mate.” The Committee then voted twelve to four to approve Bush’s nomination, dashing the hopes of Bush’s KGB handlers that he would be elected to the Vice Presidency in 1976.
And just as Bush had persuaded President Nixon to give him a job already held by a “distinguished career diplomat” so that he could have “a more prestigious appointment and a seat in the Cabinet,” it was Bush who, in his three meetings with President Ford, persuaded him on the best way to get his CIA nomination approved. Ford’s letter to the Senate Armed Services Committee states that “Bush urged that his name be eliminated from consideration” as Ford’s 1976 running mate, obviously so that he could get the top spot at the CIA.
Ford’s consideration of Bush as a 1976 running mate was the fourth time in less than eight years that Bush was promoted as a possible Vice Presidential running mate.
Five months before Bush’s nomination to be CIA Director, the Rockefeller Report stated that there are no “outsiders” in “top-level management” at the CIA. In other executive branch agencies, the “chief officer” and “top-level assistants” are “appointed from the outside,” but “no such infusion occurs in the CIA,” which means KGB asset George Bush was a high-ranking CIA official five years earlier when he was a Member of Congress. (As will be seen later in this book, other Members of Congress have similarly held high-ranking positions in the CIA while they were in Congress.)
Former CIA Director William Colby wrote a book stating that President Ford fired him in 1975 and replaced him with George Bush because of Colby’s “determination not ‘to stonewall’ Congressional and executive branch investigations of CIA wrongdoing.”
It soon became evident that Bush, unlike Colby, was a vanguard for CIA corruption.
In September 1976, less than eight months after being confirmed by the Senate, CIA Director George Bush addressed a gathering of retired intelligence officers and boasted that the CIA had “weathered the storm” of Congressional and Executive Branch investigations.
Bush also told his audience of retired intelligence officers that investigating the CIA’s illicit activities inside the United States was tantamount to “campaigning against strong intelligence,” and he boldly proclaimed that the CIA had no need to “ferret out corruption.”
A CIA memorandum from 1978 stated that the “leadership” of the CIA “had easy access to those in power in and out of Government,” and it referred to the CIA’s “aura of political clout” in the United States.
Bush, like many renegade CIA officers, clearly had “easy access to those in power” from the time he was elected to Congress in 1966 until he ended his reign as CIA Director in January 1977, and the KGB-infused CIA most definitely had the “political clout” to get Bush into the various high-profile positions in the Nixon and Ford Administrations.
(Bush’s meteoric rise to be continued in next post)
https://www.amazon.com/dp/B07V9JT65Y
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Mr. Frank, you're posting on an internet forum, yet you post no supporting links. If you notice, I attempt to meticulously support every point I present that might be challenged.
I found this 2004 post by you, today. Knowing what I know, I'm surprised, to say the least. I make a well supported case that the CIA infiltrated and took over the 1968, "Clean for Gene" campaign for POTUS, and not only because Eugene McCarthy's close friend, Larry Merthan's wife, Rita Crappowicki Merthan, just happened to have been William Harvey's secretary in Berlin, and Rita's sister had been a Navy nurse who treated JFK as closest practicing aid to Admiral Dr. Burkley. In fact, both stayed on, treating LBJ in the White House during his entire presidency.
A Crappowicki sister was "in the white house" during democratic administrations of JFK, LBJ, and Carter, and sister Rita just happened to be close to both Bill Harvey and Tongsun Park. Can't get much better than that!
https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/elizabeth-shedlick-nurse-covid/2021/03/31/98d40274-89be-11eb-8a8b-5cf82c3dffe4_story.html
Elizabeth Shedlick, nurse to two presidents, dies of covid-19
By Omari Daniels
April 1, 2021
"...Born in Worcester, Mass., as Elizabeth Chapowicki, she had a strong work ethic modeled after the Polish immigrants in her family and community."
(https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/51239141963_e9db8b69e4_c.jpg)
The Crappowicki sisters certainly "flew below the radar." the family name was changed from "Cra" to "Cha"... I don't wonder why. A third sister was the wife of this "poor excuse".
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Louis_O._Giuffrida
"...As originally reported by Alfonso Chardy in a newspaper article in the Miami Herald, July 5, 1987, at the US Army War College, Giuffrida wrote a thesis outlining a military plan for the forcible relocation of millions of black Americans to concentration camps in the event of a national emergency involving racial strife.[3][4] This is debatable as the thesis referenced below states it would take 14 years to relocate them forcibly. The thesis appears to refer to 500K self-described militants (see page 38) being relocated. .."
Do you still stand by this?
https://educationforum.ipbhost.com/topic/1139-george-h-w-bushs-father/?tab=comments#comment-7220
Anthony Frank - Posted July 10, 2004 (edited)
Three months before George H. W. Bush announced that he was a candidate for the Senate in Texas, his father, former Senator Prescott Bush, made a tremendous contribution to the effort to have Goldwater become the Republican nominee for President in 1964.
On June 8, 1963, an Associated Press story carried by the Washington Post said: “Former United States Senator Prescott Bush has denounced the recent marriage of New York Governor Nelson A. Rockefeller and said he does not think Rockefeller is fit to be President.”
“‘Have we come to the point in our life as a nation,’ Bush asked, ‘where the Governor of a great state, one who perhaps aspires to the nomination for President of the United States, can desert a good wife, mother of his grown children, divorce her, then persuade a young mother of four youngsters to abandon her husband and their four children and marry the Governor?’”
“Have we come to the point where one of the two great political parties will confer upon such a one its highest honor and greatest responsibility? I venture to hope not.”
This vitriolic denunciation of a “Governor” who was “not fit to be President” sounded like a campaign speech but seemed remarkably out of place, because Prescott Bush said all of this at the commencement exercises of Rosemary Hall, an exclusive girls’ school in Connecticut, where “Bush spoke on ‘shifting standards of behavior.’”
To top it off, when he gave the speech, he solicited support for his view.
“Bush said that whether Rockefeller’s actions are approved will depend on educators, opinion makers, churches and others, and on ‘whether our people are ready to say phooey to the sanctity of the American family.’”
As if that wasn’t enough, one week later Bush made what little support he received public, and he tried to accentuate the significance of it.
“Former Senator Prescott Bush says he has received telegrams and letters showing ‘overwhelming approval’ of his criticism . . . The former lawmaker said that out of about 10 letters and telegrams ‘only two expressed opposition to my views and all the rest were favorable.’ He added that he received mail from New York, Minnesota, Indiana and other Midwestern states.” (10 letters? Overwhelming approval?)
On October 24, 1963, Washington Post columnists Evans and Novak devoted their column to a “Goldwater surge” in Connecticut, and cited that “the odds soared against Rockefeller after his remarriage and after former Republican Senator Prescott Bush castigated him as unfit to carry the banner.”
Citing that Connecticut “nestles in the center of the Party’s eastern liberal heartland,” they quoted one liberal Republican there as saying, “The Goldwater crowd has a horse off and running with lots of money riding on the nose. We don’t even have a horse.” They also speculated “the odds are now at least even that Senator Barry Goldwater, conservative idol from far-off Arizona, may wrap up Connecticut’s sixteen votes at the San Francisco convention next summer.”
What makes Prescott Bush’s criticism even more interesting is the fact that the New York Times Index for 1963 listed more than thirty references under the subheading “marriage” of Nelson A. Rockefeller, but they show that Prescott Bush was the only U.S. politician to criticize it.
Members of the clergy also criticized it, and most interestingly, a reference on November 7, 1963, said, “Premier Khrushchev, in apparent reference to the Governor, scores ‘parasitic capitalists’ who ‘live life of luxury, drinking, carousing or changing wives.’” This was 15 days before his KGB officers in the CIA assassinated President Kennedy in an effort to get Barry Goldwater elected President of the United States.
A Washington Post article on November 21, 1963, mentioned “Mrs. Rockefeller” and said her “marriage to the Governor on the heels of divorces by both brought some protests within Republican ranks.”
“Some protests within Republican ranks” is another reflection of how unique Prescott Bush’s vituperative attack was.
On November 21, 1963, the Washington Post reported that “Senator Thruston Morton, chairman of the Republican Senate Campaign Committee, said Senator Barry Goldwater is far ahead in the running for the Republican presidential nomination,” and he “said he doesn’t know where Nelson A. Rockefeller can count on delegate votes outside of New York.”
This article, on the eve of President Kennedy’s assassination, clearly shows that the effect of Bush’s widely reported attack reverberated nationally. It is hard to imagine that anyone but stalwart Rockefeller supporters would continue to think Rockefeller should be President after Prescott Bush portrayed him in such a despicable light. Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev referring to the wealthy Rockefeller as a parasitic capitalist, who lives a life of luxury, drinking, carousing, and changing wives, certainly reinforced Bush’s bitter denunciation of a man who was “not fit to be President.”
The fact is, a Gallup poll back in January of 1963 had Rockefeller well ahead of Goldwater, with 46% of Republican voters who would like to see Rockefeller nominated as the GOP candidate, and only 26% for Goldwater.
Seeing as how Kennedy was killed as part of a two-pronged assassination plan to have Goldwater elected in 1964, a plan that failed to come to fruition when they failed to assassinate President Johnson on October 31, 1964, a good question would be:
How hard was it to find a young mother who would seduce and marry the wealthy fifty-five-year-old Rockefeller, thus assuring that Goldwater would be the Republican nominee in 2004.
Edited July 11, 2004 by Anthony Frank
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Continued from my last post... 1968 POTUS candidacy was "overtaken" by CIA friend Larry Merthan, his wife, Rita, and by CIA "pals" Tom McCoy (husband of "the other Priscilla, Priscilla Livingston Johnson, daughter of diplomat Hallett Johnson, member of John D Rockefeller's favorite Bar Harbor club), and Tom Finney, protege of Clark Clifford.
https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/opinions/1977/10/16/tongsun-parks-club/fc4e8ef5-f79b-4a55-b458-25bb6eeea07a/
Tongsun Park's Club
By Phil McCombs; McCombs is a Post staff writer. October 16, 1977
....Indeed. According to a federal indictment, Park "set up and operated" Washington's exclusive George Town Club with the aid of Korean Central Intelligence Agency officials as a primary means in an illegal effort to influence U.S. politicians and officials.
With money, boldness and charm for credentials it appears that Park was able to harness for his own use, in part by means of this club, the enormous social energies of a world capital where the cocktail and dinner party is stock-in-trade.
How did he do it?...
....Chennault did not return repeated phone calls. Three other club founders who could not be reach for interviews were:
Thomas G. Corcoran, known as "Tommy the Cork," the former FDR braintruster who is now a widely influential Washington attorney. Corcoran, who did not return phone calls from The Washington Post, was quoted in other press reports as saying that Park called him "Papa Tom," although Corcoran was not associated with Park in business or lobbying. Nevertheless, Corcoran has been characterized in press accounts as having taught Park a good deal about how to operate in Washington. Corcoran has also been an escort of Anna Chennault at social functions.
Air Force Gen. Fred M. Dean, now officially listed as retired. Dean commanded the U.S. Air Task Force on Taiwan from 1957 to 1960, then went on to key staff and command positions in Washington and Europe.
Marine General Erskine, deceased, who commanded the Third Marine Division at Iwo Jimma. From 1953 to 1961 Erskine was assistant for special operations to the Secretary of Defense. "His responsibilities," according to a press release of the period. . . . included the areas of intelligence, counter-intelligence, communications security, CIA relationships and special operations, and psychological warfare operations."
De Wolf recalled that club board meetings were at first held in the office of another founder, Robert K. Gray, who is now president of The George Town Club.
GRAY HEADS the Washington office of the large public relations firm, Hill & Knowlton. A man of influence who likes to keep a low profile, Gray was President Eisenhower's cabinet secretary and has been a noted Republican fund-raiser.....
....Murphy said he was asked to be a club founder by Gray and by Lawrence C. Merthan, who at the time worked for Hill & Knowlton here and who is now with the Carpet and Rug Institute. Merthan, also a club founder, could not be reached for an interview.....
The American Security Council: Cold War Joint CIA-FBI ...
http://www.isgp.nl/American_Security_Council
.................
[53] *) Moon and Tongsun Park were both ran by the KCIA, which was allowed to run its South Korean lobby operation with the CIA. Tongsun Park set up the George Town Club with KCIA funds. However, first president from 1966 to 1976 was Rita Chappiwicki, who had been Bill Harvey's former secretary and therefore a top level insider to CIA operations. Co-founder Robert Keith Gray had CIA ties and so had various other board members.
*) August 28, 1977, Washington Post, 'Tongsun Park and the Korean CIA - CIA Had Reason to Know of Park's Ties to Korean CIA': "The American Central Intelligence Agency had reason to know as far back as the early 1960s that Tongsun Park, a central figure in investigations of South Korean influence-buying on Capitol Hill, had ties with the Korean CIA. An American CIA station chief in Seoul who met him frequently said he regarded Park as an important "agent of influence." In addition to Park's official Korean role he had at least circumstantial ties with the American CIA through his prominent membership in two student groups.
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Do you still stand by this?
That was in the early days of my research. That section has been updated. It now reads:
A Gallup poll back in January 1963 had Rockefeller well ahead of Goldwater. Forty-six percent of Republicans planned on voting for Nelson Rockefeller in the Republican primaries, and only twenty-six percent planned on voting for Barry Goldwater.
But the KGB had to change that, and KGB officer John McCone had direct input with both Nelson Rockefeller and Prescott Bush, just like he had direct input with former President Eisenhower prior to Eisenhower energizing Goldwater supporters with his suggestion that Henry Cabot Lodge run for the GOP nomination.
McCone’s calendar shows he attended a black-tie dinner “in honor of Senator and Mrs. Bush” on January 9, 1963, hosted by none other than former CIA Director Allen Dulles, and McCone attended another black-tie dinner “in honor of Senator Bush” on January 25.
His input with Rockefeller came twenty-seven days after attending the second black-tie dinner honoring Prescott Bush. McCone’s daily calendar shows that on February 21, 1963, he left Virginia on a Gulfstream jet at 10:00 a.m. for a noon meeting with Rockefeller in New York. McCone then flew back to Virginia at 1:55 p.m.
Thirty-nine days later, on April 1, 1963, Nelson Rockefeller’s mistress, socialite Margaretta Murphy, divorced her husband to marry Rockefeller, a marriage that took place on May 4, seventy-two days after the McCone-Rockefeller meeting.
On June 18, 1963, just four days after Prescott Bush wreaked havoc on Rockefeller’s chances of winning the Republican nomination, two UPI reporters who interviewed Goldwater wrote: “He used to tell reporters bluntly that he did not have a chance to be nominated, and he would privately acknowledge that no Republican had much hope of derailing President Kennedy’s bid for a second term . . . . Now he radiates optimism on and off the record.”
His KGB handlers had been killing Members of Congress with Goldwater’s knowledge and apparent consent for six years. They exercised definitive control in the government, and they were bent on putting him into the Presidency, while Nelson Rockefeller, Goldwater’s chief rival for the GOP nomination, had been completely discredited by divorcing his wife and marrying his mistress. Why wouldn’t Goldwater radiate optimism?
The UPI reporters quoted Goldwater as saying, “I don’t want this nomination, but it may be forced on me.”
Goldwater also said, “With the right candidate, 1964 could be a Republican year after all.”
After President Kennedy was assassinated, KGB asset Barry Goldwater knew perfectly well that he would be the GOP nominee, and he knew perfectly well that the only thing that would make 1964 “a Republican year after all” is President Johnson’s assassination right before the election.
The Warren Commission Report states that “President Kennedy’s visit to Texas” had been “under consideration for almost a year before it occurred.” It also states that President Kennedy made the decision to visit Texas on June 5, 1963, less than two weeks before the interview in which Goldwater was reported to be “radiating optimism on and off the record.”
https://www.amazon.com/dp/B07V9JT65Y
If you want links to any particular documents, just let me know. I do not know if I can find links to news articles. I did my research for news articles at the Library of Congress. I can give you the date, the publication and the page number, but as I said, I do not know if I can find links to the news articles.
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Thank you, Mr. Frank, your invitation is appreciated and your lack of a defensive posture is unexpected, refreshing. I hope to take you up on your offer, giving my request from you for supporting sources some thought to avoid taking up your time unnecessarily.
When I read your 2004 research describing Prescott Bush's one-senator attack on Nelson Rockefeller and the possibility that a "mother of four" was "found" to diminish the threat of Nelson Rockefeller's 1964 candidacy to the CIA's candidate, Goldwater, I recalled a familial relationship i had stumbled upon several years ago.
Consider also, the intriguing coincidence (of course that is all it is...) of GHW Bush and one of his closest friends, Tom Devine both knowing someone very close to "the LN," and even more improbably, Devine residing in the Sigma Chi MIT fraternity house with Garry Coit and 16 others, both Devine and Coit recruited by CIA, and then Coit, too knowing someone, Priscilla of NANA, encountering "the LN" as he was inserting himself in "Soviet life!"
If that all wasn't enough, Devine's "closest friend in Rochester," Joseph Dryer, claimed to have met with DeMohrenschildt in NYC on the same late April day in 1963 as his friend, Devine, just two weeks after DeMohrenschildt claimed personal knowledge of Oswald's shooting attempt on Edwin Walker's life.
If that all wasn't enough, there are GHW Bush, DeMohrenschildt's step-nephew, Edward Gordon Hooker, and the best man in the wedding of Bush's sister Nancy to Alexander Ellis, and in the wedding of Tom Devine, William Macomber, all living in this house, A.U.V. secret society, at Andover...
(https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/51201544999_9855ff6736_c.jpg)
William Macomber happened to be recruited by CIA, appointed CIA liason to congress, leaves CIA for a staff position with Sen. John Sherman Cooper (R-KY), a fellow Yale alumni and Skull & Bones '22, who was married to ex-wife of DeMohrenschildt's aunt Nona McAdoo's brother.
https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1985-02-07-me-5298-story.html
...Mrs. Cooper’s marriage to the senator was her third. She was first married to Robert McAdoo, son of William Gibbs McAdoo, treasury secretary in the Wilson Administration and later a U.S. senator from California, and to Thomas Shevlin Jr., a member of a wealthy Minneapolis family.
Sen. Cooper, of course, is one of seven Warren Commissioners, and in his State Dept. position after working for Sen. Cooper, William Macomber has early awareness of Oswald and other defectors.:
https://educationforum.ipbhost.com/topic/14052-thomas-j-devine/?tab=comments#comment-170455
In Tom Devine's high school yearbook, Joseph Dryer's brother, Peter, is listed as one of Devine's Kindergarten thru
grade 9 classmates. This prompted me to ask Joan Mellen if Joseph Dryer had mentioned a relationship with Devine.
(https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/51200122892_7dc42f88ac_z.jpg)
From Joan Mellen's book, "Our man in Haiti"...
(https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/51201612659_75f96e0648_z.jpg)
So.... here it is.:
House Assassinations Committee, Sheriff Richard Wine said ...
http://jfk.hood.edu/Collection/White Materials/White Assassination Clippings Folders/Warren Commission Folders/Warren Commission-Reopening/Item 271.pdf (http://jfk.hood.edu/Collection/White Materials/White Assassination Clippings Folders/Warren Commission Folders/Warren Commission-Reopening/Item 271.pdf)
Mrs. Tilton, the former Nancy Pierson Sands, is listed in the Palm Beach social registry, little is known here about her. Sheriff Richard Wine said Gae-ton J. Fonzi, an investigator for the House Assassinations Committee, had gone to the Hilton estate about noon Tuesday and left word he would return at 8:30 p.m. to see de Mohrenschildt.
THE OSWALD CONNECTION - Sun Sentinel
https://www.sun-sentinel.com/news/fl-xpm-1993-11-21-9311020601-story.html
The owner of the house, Nancy Tilton, who has refused to discuss the case, was a soap-opera fanatic. When she went out she often asked one of the maids to record episodes of her favorite soaps on ...
(https://i.pinimg.com/564x/1d/58/0e/1d580e959cd450e1b256a583728aae8b.jpg)
Nancy Pierson Sands McAlpin Clark Tilton, first cousin of DeMohrenschildt's teenage bride who raised the couple's daughter, Alexandra, happened to marry a first cousin of Nelson Rockefeller's first wife, Mary Todhunter Clark.:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mary_Rockefeller#Early_life
Obituary of Mary Todhunter Clark Rockefeller's uncle, Clarence. Nancy's husband, Franklin in last paragraph of NY Times 1937 article image, Nancy and Franklin Taylor Clark's 1942 wedding announcement is displayed below obit.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Clarence_Clark_(tennis) (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Clarence_Clark_(tennis))
(https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/51239156262_49c62f0e82_h.jpg)
(https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/51240634964_19f2557e6d_c.jpg)
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Thank you, Mr. Frank, your invitation is appreciated and your lack of a defensive posture is unexpected, refreshing. I hope to take you up on your offer, giving my request from you for supporting sources some thought to avoid taking up your time unnecessarily.
When I read your 2004 research describing Prescott Bush's one-senator attack on Nelson Rockefeller and the possibility that a "mother of four" was "found" to diminish the threat of Nelson Rockefeller's 1964 candidacy to the CIA's candidate, Goldwater, I recalled a familial relationship i had stumbled upon several years ago.
Consider also, the intriguing coincidence (of course that is all it is...) of GHW Bush and one of his closest friends, Tom Devine both knowing someone very close to "the LN," and even more improbably, Devine residing in the Sigma Chi MIT fraternity house with Garry Coit and 16 others, both Devine and Coit recruited by CIA, and then Coit, too knowing someone, Priscilla of NANA, encountering "the LN" as he was inserting himself in "Soviet life!"
If that all wasn't enough, Devine's "closest friend in Rochester," Joseph Dryer, claimed to have met with DeMohrenschildt in NYC on the same late April day in 1963 as his friend, Devine, just two weeks after DeMohrenschildt claimed personal knowledge of Oswald's shooting attempt on Edwin Walker's life.
If that all wasn't enough, there are GHW Bush, DeMohrenschildt's step-nephew, Edward Gordon Hooker, and the best man in the wedding of Bush's sister Nancy to Alexander Ellis, and in the wedding of Tom Devine, William Macomber, all living in this house, A.U.V. secret society, at Andover...
(https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/51201544999_9855ff6736_c.jpg)
William Macomber happened to be recruited by CIA, appointed CIA liason to congress, leaves CIA for a staff position with Sen. John Sherman Cooper (R-KY), a fellow Yale alumni and Skull & Bones '22, who was married to ex-wife of DeMohrenschildt's aunt Nona McAdoo's brother.
Sen. Cooper, of course, is one of seven Warren Commissioners, and in his State Dept. position after working for Sen. Cooper, William Macomber has early awareness of Oswald and other defectors.:
https://educationforum.ipbhost.com/topic/14052-thomas-j-devine/?tab=comments#comment-170455
In Tom Devine's high school yearbook, Joseph Dryer's brother, Peter, is listed as one of Devine's Kindergarten thru
grade 9 classmates. This prompted me to ask Joan Mellen if Joseph Dryer had mentioned a relationship with Devine.
(https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/51200122892_7dc42f88ac_z.jpg)
From Joan Mellen's book, "Our man in Haiti"...
(https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/51201612659_75f96e0648_z.jpg)
So.... here it is.:
House Assassinations Committee, Sheriff Richard Wine said ...
http://jfk.hood.edu/Collection/White Materials/White Assassination Clippings Folders/Warren Commission Folders/Warren Commission-Reopening/Item 271.pdf (http://jfk.hood.edu/Collection/White Materials/White Assassination Clippings Folders/Warren Commission Folders/Warren Commission-Reopening/Item 271.pdf)
Mrs. Tilton, the former Nancy Pierson Sands, is listed in the Palm Beach social registry, little is known here about her. Sheriff Richard Wine said Gae-ton J. Fonzi, an investigator for the House Assassinations Committee, had gone to the Hilton estate about noon Tuesday and left word he would return at 8:30 p.m. to see de Mohrenschildt.
THE OSWALD CONNECTION - Sun Sentinel
https://www.sun-sentinel.com/news/fl-xpm-1993-11-21-9311020601-story.html
The owner of the house, Nancy Tilton, who has refused to discuss the case, was a soap-opera fanatic. When she went out she often asked one of the maids to record episodes of her favorite soaps on ...
(https://i.pinimg.com/564x/1d/58/0e/1d580e959cd450e1b256a583728aae8b.jpg)
Nancy Pierson Sands McAlpin Clark Tilton, first cousin of DeMohrenschildt's teenage bride who raised the couple's daughter, Alexandra, happened to marry a first cousin of Nelson Rockefeller's first wife, Mary Todhunter Clark.:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mary_Rockefeller#Early_life
Obituary of Mary Todhunter Clark Rockefeller's uncle, Clarence. Nancy's husband, Franklin in last paragraph of NY Times 1937 article image, Nancy and Franklin Taylor Clark's 1942 wedding announcement is displayed below obit.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Clarence_Clark_(tennis) (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Clarence_Clark_(tennis))
(https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/51239156262_49c62f0e82_h.jpg)
(https://live.staticflickr.com/65535/51240634964_19f2557e6d_c.jpg)
"your lack of a defensive posture is refreshing, unexpected"_______ tom scully, to anthony frank
i agree with you tom. i rather like this fellow. sort of like culto in a way, oui? did you know they took down the 'let'srollforums'? all of my fine work disappeared!! oh, well.....
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(George Bush’s meteoric rise continued)
After resigning as CIA Director in January 1977, Bush, working in conjunction with his KGB handlers, significantly ramped up his role in the quest to control the government.
Bush began “running for President” in 1977, which included “a two-year grass-roots effort that followed the Carter model all the way to the winning of the Iowa precinct caucuses.” (Democratic President Jimmy Carter, elected in 1976, was also a CIA officer being handled by the KGB. Carter was the only CIA officer that the KGB managed to get into the Presidency before they were exposed in 1984. More on Carter being a CIA officer along with Senators and Congressmen from both parties is addressed later in this book.)
Bush lost the Republican nomination to Ronald Reagan in 1980, after which “the Presidential nominee’s advisers heavily pressured him” to choose Bush as a Vice Presidential running mate. Reagan’s “advisers” included his campaign chairman, William J. Casey, a high-ranking CIA official who became Reagan’s CIA Director after the election. As will be seen, Casey was most definitely a renegade CIA officer.
With Nixon, Ford, and Reagan each considering Bush for the Vice Presidency, it is clear that no Republican could run for President without being pushed to choose CIA officer George H. W. Bush as a Vice Presidential running mate.
Newsweek reported in July 1980 that former President Gerald Ford was being promoted as Reagan’s running mate and that Ford, not Bush, was everyone’s favorite for the Vice Presidential spot. In the end, according to Newsweek, it was a choice between former President Ford and former CIA Director George Bush.
But Ford, of course, being a former President, turned down Reagan’s offer to be his running mate. Newsweek noted how unlikely it was that a former President would end up becoming a Vice Presidential candidate, stating it would be “a political morass and a Constitutional nightmare . . . . In retrospect, the entire scheme seemed doomed from the start, and the wonder was that it went as far as it did.”
Newsweek also reported that the prospect of a “former Chief Executive” taking “second place on the ticket” had been “rejected by Ford himself on numerous occasions.”
The Washington Post likewise reported that Reagan chose Bush “only after the draft Jerry Ford effort fizzled,” which is when Casey “heavily pressured” Reagan to choose Bush.
By manipulating the situation so that Reagan anxiously awaited Ford’s acceptance of the number two spot up until the last minute, Casey and his CIA cohorts kept Reagan from making serious offers to other potential candidates. With one of the two supposedly best choices for a running mate continuing to reject the offer, Reagan, in reality, had only one choice for the Vice Presidential spot: CIA officer and KGB asset George H. W. Bush.
previously cited Washington Post article recalling that Bush was “running for President” by 1977 and that Reagan’s advisers “heavily pressured him” to choose Bush was on March 31, 1981, because one day earlier, sixty-nine days after Bush finally became Vice President of the United States, President Reagan was shot as he was leaving the Washington Hilton Hotel.
Bush immediately “cut short” a trip to Texas and returned to the White House to “take charge of the crisis in the government and to assume the responsibilities of the Presidency if President Reagan’s injuries prevented him from serving in office.”
CIA officers “detailed” to the “Secret Service” gave the would-be assassin, John Hinckley, access to President Reagan in an effort to catapult Bush into the Presidency.
According to the Washington Post, if the Secret Service had parked the Presidential limousine where it should have been parked outside the Washington Hilton Hotel, “Reagan would have had a straight-line walk of about eight feet from door to car.”
Instead, Reagan’s limousine “was waiting about twenty to twenty-five feet down the driveway from the door.” In order to get to the limousine, Reagan had to “walk down the curving sidewalk.”
“Around the curve, flush against the hotel wall, the assailant waited with his pistol.” (“Come this way, Mr. President, your limo is down here.”)
“Generally, agents want the armored limousine waiting in a direct line with the President’s exit door as he moves from building to car. Such positioning shortens the period of vulnerability and makes it easier for agents to form a human shield as the public figure moves. In some cases, agents have had the car moved one foot or less to have it perfectly aligned with the exit.”
“Television crew members at the Hilton said they had complained to the Secret Service about bystanders pushing into the area reserved for the press. One bystander, as it turned out, was the accused gunman.” (“Don’t worry about the bystanders. We know what we’re doing.”)
Henry Brown, an ABC television cameraman, “had complained earlier to the Secret Service that members of the public had ‘penetrated the police line,’ creating crowded conditions in the press area and making it difficult to work . . . . His complaint went unheeded, and Brown went on working. He was standing near the assailant when he started to fire.”
“‘He just opened up and kept squeezing the trigger,’ Brown said.”
“A Secret Service official said the advance agent on the scene concluded that it would be counterproductive to set up an area restricted only to the press on the narrow, curving walk outside the hotel.”
On April 4, 1981, the Washington Post reported: “The bullets that struck President Reagan and two of the three other persons wounded in Monday’s assassination attempt were positively identified yesterday by the FBI as ‘Devastators,’” which are “expensive, customized .22 caliber cartridges designed to explode upon impact with the force of slugs fired from much more powerful handguns.”
Besides the CIA’s “designated officers of the Secret Service” being intrinsic to the attempt to kill President Reagan, the intended assassin, John Hinckley, was traveling in the same cities with his CIA/Secret Service handlers in October 1980, and Hinckley had made off-and-on stays in Washington, D.C. dating back to September 1980, six months prior to the attempted assassination.
The Washington Post reported that Hinckley “was in Chicago, Dayton, and Nashville last October” at the same time President Carter “was in those cities for campaign appearances,” and Hinckley stayed at the “Capital Hilton Hotel September 27 and 28 and at the Quality Inn on Capitol Hill October 17-19, February 10 and 11, and February 16 and 17.”
The Post went on to state, “There is no evidence to indicate that these visits were tied either to the attack on Reagan or to any plan directed at former President Carter,” and no evidence “that he was stalking Reagan or any other political figure,” but “many of Hinckley’s travels are otherwise unexplained.”
The KGB officers obviously kept Hinckley close by while grooming him for the assassination, which they did by instilling him with a maniacal desire to impress teenage actress Jodie Foster by assassinating Reagan. Before setting off to kill Reagan, Hinckley wrote a letter to Foster stating that he was performing “this historical deed to gain your respect and love.” It was well-established in 1981 that Hinckley thought he was going to impress Jody Foster by killing the President.
The Washington Post reported that Hinckley bought “what is apparently his first gun sometime in early September at a pawnshop in Lubbock, Texas,” after which he was staying at a hotel just three blocks from the White House in late September and then traveling in the same cities as President Carter and his “Secret Service” handlers in October.
Regardless of the “not guilty by reason of insanity” verdict, information in the Washington Post on April 5, 1981, clearly shows why Hinckley was chosen to kill Reagan. The Post reported that in the spring of 1978, Hinckley joined the National Socialist Party of America, marched in a Nazi parade in St. Louis, and studied Mein Kampf in college. The National Socialist Party said Hinckley had been “expelled” because “he was too violence-prone.”
CIA operatives, specifically KGB officers inside the CIA, had no trouble manipulating the violent deranged psychotic into thinking he would impress a teenage actress by killing President Reagan. With KGB asset George H. W. Bush finally in the Vice Presidency, Hinckley’s KGB handlers easily provided him with access to the President of the United States.
In the three weeks following Hinckley’s failed attempt on March 30, 1981, there were a substantial number of arrests of people who had been incited to try and kill President Reagan.
On Saturday, April 11, twelve days after Hinckley “opened up and kept squeezing the trigger,” a Philadelphia man was arrested in Hatboro, Pennsylvania, for threatening to kill President Reagan. He was charged with assaulting “two Hatboro police officers” and “a Secret Service agent” who came to his apartment, and he was to be charged in U.S. District Court “with threatening to kill the President and with assaulting the Secret Service agent.” This arrest brought “to at least 10 the number of people taken into custody this week for threatening Reagan’s life.”
Six days later, on Friday, April 17, 1981, a Virginia man was arrested after he “telephoned the Secret Service in Richmond and told agents he was ‘going to shoot President Reagan.’ Neither Secret Service agents nor the court papers revealed a motive for the alleged threat.” The Washington Post reported this arrest was “one of 16 the agency has made across the nation since the March 30 shooting of Reagan and three other men in Washington.”
The KGB officers undoubtedly manipulated drug addicts, psychotics, and malcontents in their quest to put their asset, CIA officer George Bush, into the Oval Office, but they were unable to pull off another assassination attempt. Another threat, however, did materialize on September 2, 1981, five months and three days after Hinckley shot Reagan, but like the earlier slew of threats, it failed to actually become an attempted assassination.
On September 2, 1981, police arrested 27-year-old Isom Joseph Dean in Towson, Maryland when they “found three scope-equipped rifles, an M-18 semiautomatic rifle, a handgun, and a pair of high-powered binoculars in the car he was driving.
“Police spokesman E. Jay Miller quoted Dean as telling arresting officers, ‘You’re lucky. If I hadn’t had to stop for gas in Towson, you would not have gotten me. I would have killed the President’ . . . . Secret Service agents said Dean told them he intended to kill the President and ‘planned to sit around and wait until the opportunity presented itself because the President always has to come out’ . . . . Charged with threatening to assassinate the President, Dean was ordered held without bond.”
It was never disclosed where, how, or when Dean obtained “three scope-equipped rifles, an M-18 semiautomatic rifle, a handgun, and a pair of high-powered binoculars,” just as it was never disclosed that John Hinckley had considerable help in his effort to assassinate President Reagan.
There is something seriously wrong when a man who cannot legally distinguish between right and wrong can stand outside a hotel with a gun and plenty of Secret Service agents nearby and then “open up” on the President as walks to his limousine, which had been purposely parked down the driveway to lead the President passed his assailant. And to think that George Bush said that there was no need to “ferret out corruption” in the CIA back in 1976.
The KGB officers failed to get Bush chosen as a Vice Presidential running mate on four separate occasions over an eight-year period, and after finally getting Bush into the Vice Presidency, they failed to catapult him into the Presidency. But things were still going their way. Besides having Bush as Vice President, veteran Senators and Congressmen from both parties were in the CIA and being handled by the KGB, and the KGB wielded substantial control within the CIA. The ramifications seemed almost limitless, and the KGB-initiated quest to control the United States government was rolling along just fine for the time being.
https://www.amazon.com/dp/B07V9JT65Y
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Three days before he lost his 1964 Senate bid, George H. W. Bush, whose CIA work invariably connected him to President Kennedy’s assassination, was CIA officer Barry Goldwater’s “bright hope on the political horizon.” Bush was then targeted for the Presidency or the Vice Presidency in the next seven Presidential elections from 1968 through 1992.
First, there was an orchestrated, widespread push in business and Congressional circles to get Nixon to choose freshman Congressman Bush as his 1968 running mate. Then, there was the 1970 push inside the White House to get Bush onto the ballot as Nixon’s 1972 running mate and as the 1976 Republican Presidential nominee.
There was even an effort to get Bush into the Vice Presidency when Ford needed a Vice President in 1974, and there was an effort in 1975 to have Ford choose Bush as his 1976 running mate.
Bush was finally elected to the Vice Presidency in 1980. He ran and won re-election to the Vice Presidency in 1984. He was elected President of the United States in 1988 but lost his bid to be re-elected in 1992.
Renegade CIA officers were not going to let the “bright hope” fade just because their progenitors, the KGB officers handling Bush, had gone to prison. The CIA’s vast domestic operations and the KGB’s systematic corruption of both the CIA and the government provided renegade CIA officers with a platform for initiating their own quest to control the United States government.
When renegade CIA officers followed in the footsteps of the KGB in 1984, they not only sought to have Bush succeed Reagan as President, but also sought to conceal the means by which Bush had come to power.
George H. W. Bush, however, had risen through the ranks as a result of KGB efforts. Renegade CIA officers wanted “assets” of their own to be elected to the Presidency, more of which is addressed later in this book.
It’s all in my book. Click the link.
https://www.amazon.com/dp/B07V9JT65Y