The KGB Impersonated Oswald in Mexico to Connect Castro to the Assassination

[Mark A. Oblazney]

An example of an "Oswald was in Mexico, "paint brush"". This allegedly independent businessman happened to have the same address as JMWAVE before it was relocated to the Miami Univ. campus.

How would an former oil company executive have any idea of what people "connected with" Oswald would look like?https://www.maryferrell.org/php/jfkdb.php?field=subjects&value=LHO%2C+POST-RP%2C+SIGHTING%2C+LAREDO%2C+TX%2C+NUEVO+LAREDO%2C+MX


Barnes's given name was misreported in this 1960 articles, but it is the same guy who "tipped" the FBI
ten days after the JFK Assassination.:

https://www.maryferrell.org/showDoc.html?docId=72011&search=winifred_and+barnes#relPageId=4


Entry into Mexico on September 26, 1963, at Nuevo Laredo...
https://www.maryferrell.org/showDoc.html?docId=11075&relPageId=5
....371 Winfred Barnes...
AND...
https://www.maryferrell.org/showDoc.html?docId=59595&relPageId=33
....371. Winfred Barnes... 372.,,,,Bowen...

Winfred Barnes's CIA file proves a relationship with that agency but omits 1963 activities.:
https://www.archives.gov/files/research/jfk/releases/2018/104-10215-10128.pdf

You're stirring up trouble again, Tom......... delicious !!!

[Anthony Frank]

The CIA enlisted Oswald to feign defection to the Soviet Union.

A CIA document titled “Excerpts From Unpublished Writings of Lee Harvey Oswald” quotes Oswald as having written, “When I first went to Russia in the winter of 1959 my funds were very limited, so after a certain time, after the Russians had assured themselves that I was really the naive American who believed in Communism, they arranged for me to receive a certain amount of money every month . . . . It was arranged by the MVD [Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs] . . . . It really was payment for my denunciation of the US in Moscow in November 1959.”

A CIA memo makes reference to Oswald’s writings and states, “In his writings, Oswald is highly critical of Soviet rigged elections, the massing of crowds for staged demonstrations, travel restrictions, regimentation, and the lack of freedom of press, speech, and religion.”

Oswald’s Marine Corps record shows that on February 25, 1959, he was tested on his Russian language “comprehension” skills, including his ability to “understand” Russian, his ability to “read” Russian, and his ability to “write” in Russian.

Fifteen days after arriving in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Oswald went to the U.S. Embassy in Moscow and claimed that he was renouncing his American citizenship, stating afterward, “I will never return to the United States for any reason.”

The Embassy reported that Oswald “was aggressive, arrogant, and uncooperative,” and in response to his alleged desire to renounce his citizenship, the Embassy “advised Oswald by mail of his right to renounce citizenship, such renunciation in manner prescribed by law being valid, and that he might appear on any normal business day and request documents be prepared.”

According to the State Department officer who dealt with Oswald during the phony attempt to renounce citizenship, Oswald appeared to have been “tutored in connection with his apparent attempts to renounce his American citizenship,” and Oswald’s trip to the Soviet Union was suspiciously a “competently arranged trip.”

The State Department officer also reported, “Oswald evidently knew something of the procedure for renunciation of citizenship when he came into the office. This seemed a bit unusual since it was so soon after his first departure from the United States on his first trip abroad traveling as a private citizen.”

The Warren Commission told CIA officials in March 1964, “The letters Lee Oswald wrote to the American Embassy in Moscow while he was trying to get permission for himself and his wife Marina to return to the United States might have been ‘coached.’”

A Warren Commission staff member told the CIA officials that “these letters reflected a higher degree of sophistication and knowledge of passport procedures than would be expected of a man of Lee Harvey Oswald’s known character.”

The FBI documented that an Associated Press reporter spoke with Oswald at his hotel soon after his claim that he wanted to “relinquish his United States citizenship and remain in Russia.” The reporter “engaged him in a conversation” and “asked Oswald why he was going to remain in Russia.”

The FBI report states, “Oswald replied, ‘I’ve got my reasons,’ but did not elucidate.”

Five days after returning from the Soviet Union, Oswald had Pauline Bates, a stenographer in Fort Worth, Texas, type up notes that he made while in Russia. Bates testified to the Warren Commission that the notes, both typed and handwritten, were in Russian and that Oswald spent three days translating them for her. She also stated that she was “anxious to get on it” because she was very interested in the fact that Oswald “had just come back from Russia and had notes.”

She told the Warren Commission, “I started asking him some questions – ‘Why did you go to Russia?’ - and a few things like that. Some of them he’d answer and some of them he wouldn’t . . . . He wasn’t very talkative. And whenever I did get him to talk, I had to drag it out of him. He didn’t talk voluntarily.”

The information that Pauline Bates “dragged” out of Oswald included the fact that he would “scribble notes” while in Russia “whenever he could” and then “surreptitiously” type them when “Marina would cover for him . . . muffle the tone of the typewriter and everything . . . . He said she would cover or watch for him so that nobody would know that he was making them . . . try to steer anybody away while he was doing this, because he could have got in trouble.”

She testified that the notes were “about the living conditions and the working conditions in Russia. And they were very bitter against Russia . . . . It was the terrible living conditions and the terrible working conditions . . . . The notes were very, very bitter about Russia.

“He smuggled them out of Russia. And he said that the whole time until they got over the border, they were scared to death they would be found, and, of course, they would not be allowed to leave Russia.”

Oswald also told Pauline Bates that while he was in the Marine Corps, he “had taken elementary Russian - a course in elementary Russian.” As noted earlier, six and a half months before he left on a “passenger-carrying freighter” with the Soviet Union as his ultimate destination, the Marines tested Oswald on his ability to understand Russian, read Russian, and write in Russian.

The FBI reported that when they interviewed Oswald on June 26, 1962, thirteen days after he returned to the United States, “Oswald declined to answer the question as to why he made the trip to Russia in the first place” and stated he “would not be willing to take a polygraph test.”

Oswald was put on the CIA’s Counterintelligence “Watch List” on November 9, 1959, nine days after he told U.S. embassy officials that he was renouncing his American citizenship and would “never return to the United States for any reason.”

The card with Oswald’s name on it simply states, “Recent defector to the USSR, Former Marine,” but it is also stamped “Secret: Eyes Only,” which means it was of the highest restriction when it comes to who sees it, and anyone who sees it knows they are not supposed to ask any questions about Lee Harvey Oswald.

To repeat, the CIA enlisted Oswald to feign defection to the Soviet Union. The idea that he was in Mexico trying to get a visa for travel to Cuba and the Soviet Union was completely manufactured in order to link Khrushchev and Castro to the assassination. LBJ would then fear a nuclear war and establish the Warren Commission with a “no conspiracy” mandate.

It’s all in my book. Click the link.

https://www.amazon.com/dp/B07V9JT65Y

[Anthony Frank]

The only people that said Oswald was in Mexico are KGB officers and Sylvia Duran, who worked for the Cubans.

KGB officers inside the CIA, including CIA Director John McCone, wanted to tie Oswald to Khrushchev and Castro.

According to the Church Committee, “For the first twenty-four hours after the assassination, the CIA’s attention focused primarily on Oswald’s September 27, 1963, visit to Mexico City,” and “on the morning of November 23,” KGB officer John McCone met with President Johnson and his National Security Advisor, McGeorge Bundy, to “brief them on the information CIA Headquarters had received from its Mexico City station.”

And there was no letting up in McCone’s efforts to have the President worry about Soviet and Cuban involvement and the possibility of a nuclear war. It was the on following day, November 24, that McCone informed Johnson of the CIA’s “plans against Cuba,”  which included plans to assassinate Castro.

Then, after his official morning meeting with the President, McCone met with President Johnson “in his private residence” and suggested that he get “an early briefing on the Soviet long-range striking capability” and Soviet “air defense posture.”

The CIA's Mexico City station was not part of the plan.

After CIA Headquarters requested that the Mexico City station send a CIA officer to Headquarters “with all photos” of Oswald at the Soviet and Cuban Embassies, the Mexico City station sent back a cable stating they had done a “complete recheck” of the photographs of “all visitors” to the Soviet and Cuban Embassies from September 1 through the “first half November,” and it “shows no evidence Oswald visit.”

[Rick Plant]

What Was Lee Harvey Oswald Doing in Mexico?: Much about his trip—weeks before the assassination—remains unexamined

By PHILIP SHENON March 18, 2015

What if the answers to the many, persistent questions surrounding the assassination of President John F. Kennedy lie not in Dallas or Washington, D.C., but in the streets of a foreign capital that most Americans have never associated with the president’s murder? Mexico City.

Only hours after shots rang out in Dealey Plaza on November 22, 1963, U.S. Ambassador Thomas C. Mann told colleagues in the American embassy in Mexico that he was certain Lee Harvey Oswald had not acted alone in killing JFK.

Oswald had visited Mexico City several weeks earlier, apparently to obtain a visa that would allow the self-proclaimed Marxist to defect to Cuba, and Mann, a veteran diplomat, suspected that a plot to kill Kennedy had been hatched on Mexican soil, during Oswald’s encounters there with Cuban diplomats and Mexicans who supported Fidel Castro’s revolution. How did Mann know about those meetings? It turned out the CIA had Oswald under surveillance in the Mexican capital after he had showed up at both the Cuban and Soviet embassies there.

Back at the State Department, however, a baffled Mann hit a brick wall. No one in Washington seemed interested in his suspicions, he would later complain to colleagues. And within days of the assassination, the ambassador received an astonishing top-secret message directly from Secretary of State Dean Rusk. According to Mann’s testimony years later to congressional investigators, Rusk ordered the embassy to shut down any investigation in Mexico that might “confirm or refute rumors of Cuban involvement in the assassination.” No reason was given for the order, the ambassador said.

Mann told the congressional investigators that he was under the impression that the same “incredible” shut-down order had been given by the CIA to the spy agency’s station chief in Mexico, Winston Scott. In memoirs quietly declassified in the 1990s, after his death, Scott confirmed that he, too, suspected that Oswald was an “agent” of a foreign power who may have been part of a conspiracy to kill Kennedy (though Scott did not suggest that the CIA’s investigation was shut down).

What happened in Mexico City in the weeks before JFK’s murder? It is clear from government files declassified in recent decades that Oswald’s six-day trip to Mexico was never adequately investigated by the CIA, the FBI and the State Department—and, as a result, by the Warren Commission, the panel named by President Lyndon Johnson to investigate the assassination. The question has been raised anew in recent weeks by a surprising source—the Warren Commission’s chief conspiracy hunter. And in fact, lots of evidence has accumulated over the years to suggest that historians, journalists and JFK buffs who are still trying to piece together clues about the president’s murder—whether from the memories of still-living witnesses or in the new tranche of assassination-related documents the National Archives is set to release in two years—would be wise to look to Mexico City.

In the half-century since the commission named for Chief Justice Earl Warren concluded that Oswald was the sole gunman in Dallas and that there was no evidence of a conspiracy, foreign or domestic, it is startling to discover how many credible government officials—beginning with Ambassador Mann and CIA station chief Scott—have suggested that evidence was missed in Mexico that could rewrite the history of the assassination. The list includes the late former FBI Director Clarence Kelley and former FBI Assistant Director William Sullivan, as well as David Belin, a former staff lawyer on the Warren Commission.

Last month, another commission staffer joined their ranks: David Slawson, a retired University of Southern California law professor who, 51 years ago, was the commission’s chief investigator searching for evidence that might have pointed to a foreign conspiracy in JFK’s murder. In interviews for a new edition of my 2013 history of the assassination, Slawson said he is now convinced the commission was the victim of a “massive cover-up” by the CIA and other agencies to hide evidence that might have identified people in Mexico City who knew and encouraged Oswald to carry out his threat when he returned to the United States.

Declassified government records back up Slawson’s suspicion of how much information was withheld in 1964, when senior officials at both the CIA and the FBI assured the commission that there was no evidence in Mexico—or anywhere else—to suggest that Oswald was anything other than a delusional lone wolf. In sworn testimony to the commission, FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover insisted that “there was nothing up to the time of the assassination that gave any indication that this man was a dangerous character who might do harm to the president.”

The records declassified decades later tell a very different story, and show just how much evidence about Oswald’s Mexico trip —including CIA tape recordings of wiretaps of Oswald’s phone calls in Mexico—never reached the commission. Although the spy agency assured the commission in 1964 that there were no surveillance photos of Oswald in Mexico, CIA Station Chief Scott, in his memoirs, strongly suggested that there were photos, and other CIA officials later told congressional investigators in the 1970s that they recalled seeing the pictures. CIA and FBI records, meanwhile, show that the agencies never tried to track down or interview key witnesses who had encountered Oswald in Mexico.

Slawson is also convinced that someone blocked him from seeing a top-secret June 1964 letter from Hoover to the commission in which Hoover revealed that Oswald may have openly boasted about his plans—“I’m going to kill Kennedy”—while in Mexico, apparently at the Cuban embassy. Slawson believes the CIA was desperate to shut down any investigation in Mexico City out of fear the Warren Commission might stumble onto evidence of the spy agency’s long-running schemes to murder Fidel Castro. (Mexico City had been a staging area for some of the plots.)

Slawson is careful to note that he is not suggesting any sort of far-flung, carefully laid-out conspiracy. For one thing, he notes, Oswald did not get the job he held at the time of the assassination, at the Texas School Book Depository, which was on the president’s motorcade route, until after he had returned to Texas from Mexico in early October 1963; the route itself was not announced until days before JFK’s arrival in Dallas.

Still, if Oswald openly boasted about his plans to kill JFK among people in Mexico, it would undermine the official story that he was a lone wolf whose plans to kill the president could never have been detected by the CIA or FBI. In Slawson’s mind, it could even raise the question of whether people in Mexico might have been charged as accessories in the murder if they had known about Oswald’s threats but did nothing to stop him.

Ambassador Mann appears to have had similar suspicions. After retiring from the State Department, he told House investigators in 1977 that he had never stopped believing that Oswald had been part of a conspiracy somehow linked to Cuba, and that the CIA and other agencies had refused to investigate Oswald’s activities in Mexico “because it would have resulted in the discovery of covert U.S. government action” that somehow involved Cuba.

In memoirs published in 1987, former FBI Director Clarence Kelley, Hoover’s immediate successor, revealed that, after having a chance to read through the bureau’s raw files on the Kennedy assassination, he, too, came to believe that Mexico held the key to unanswered questions about the president’s murder. “Oswald’s stay in Mexico City apparently shaped the man’s thinking irrevocably,” Kelley wrote.

He said he became convinced from the files that, during meetings with Cuban diplomats in Mexico, “Oswald definitely offered to kill President Kennedy,” and that he had probably made a similar offer during the same trip at a meeting at the Soviet embassy in Mexico. That did not mean that either communist government was behind the assassination, Kelley insisted. But it did mean that people in both the Cuban and Soviet embassies were aware, weeks before the assassination, that a young American—a former Marine with rifle training who was eager to be known as a champion of Castro’s revolution—was talking openly about killing the president.

Another top FBI official, former Assistant Director William Sullivan, who directed the bureau’s investigation of JFK’s murder, wrote in his own memoirs that “there were huge gaps” in the FBI’s investigation and that many of them involved Oswald’s trip south of the border. “We never found out what went on between Oswald and the Cubans in Mexico City,” Sullivan admitted.

After finishing his work on the commission, staff lawyer David Belin, who died in 1999, wrote in a little-publicized book that he came to believe that Oswald may have planned to head from Dallas back to Mexico by bus after the assassination because he had some promise of help from co-conspirators who were waiting on the Texas-Mexico border.

Belin’s theory, which he developed during his work on the commission, stemmed from his analysis of local bus schedules and of a bus transfer issued on the day of the assassination that was found in Oswald’s clothing. According to Belin, Oswald may have met with Cuban diplomats and others in Mexico City who saw the Kennedy administration as a mortal threat and who “promised financial and other support to Oswald if he was ever able to succeed” in killing the president. Belin said that, to his disappointment, there was no mention of his theory in the commission’s final report because, as he admitted, it was “pure speculation” that undermined Chief Justice Warren’s hopes to snuff out conspiracy allegations.

Belin’s theory would have made sense to another American official—diplomat Charles William Thomas, whose once-promising career was mysteriously derailed after he pressed colleagues in the U.S. embassy in Mexico to pursue unanswered questions about Oswald’s Mexico City trip. In late 1965, Thomas was told by a friend—a prominent Mexican writer, Elena Garro de Paz—that she had seen Oswald at a dance party during his visit to Mexico that was also attended by a Cuban diplomat who had spoken openly about his hope that someone would assassinate Kennedy. Thomas said he was also told that Oswald had a brief affair with a vivacious young Mexican woman, a committed Socialist, who worked in the Cuban consulate and who had introduced Oswald around town to other Castro supporters.

State Department and CIA records declassified in recent years show that the agencies rebuffed Thomas in his requests for a new investigation, which he continued to raise even after he left Mexico in 1967 for a new posting in Washington. Thomas was dismissed from the department in 1969, a decision that the State Department years later would acknowledge was made in error—the result of what the department insisted was a clerical mistake related to the misfiling of some of Thomas’s personnel records. The department’s admission would come only after Thomas, who struggled to establish a new career, committed suicide in 1971.

Congressional investigators, who later reviewed the case and obtained pension benefits for Thomas’s family, said they suspected, but could not prove, that the diplomat had actually been forced out because of his persistent, unwelcome effort to open a new investigation of Oswald’s activities in Mexico. “It was impossible to prove, though,” one of the congressional investigators told me when I was writing my book. “If he was forced out because of Mexico City, it was all done with a wink and a nod.”

Decades after Thomas’s death, the State Department would declassify internal memos that he had written to superiors, in which he had pleaded for someone to go back and reinvestigate Oswald’s Mexico trip. What Thomas had learned in Mexico would not, by itself, “prove that there was a conspiracy to assassinate President Kennedy,” he wrote. But he warned of what might happen if long-secret evidence suggesting a Mexican-born conspiracy in JFK’s murder ever became public. “Those who have tried to discredit the Warren Report could have a field day,” he wrote.

In 1975, Thomas’s widow received a formal apology from the White House. “The circumstances surrounding your husband’s death are a source of deepest regret to the government he served so loyally and so well,” the letter said. “I can only hope that the measures which came about as a result of this tragedy will prevent reoccurrences of this kind in the future.” The letter was signed by President Gerald R. Ford, who, as a rising Republican congressman from Michigan in 1964, had been a member of the Warren Commission.

Thomas’s family may have reason to hope for even greater justice for the late diplomat, since so many of the people who encountered Oswald during his mysterious trip to Mexico half a century ago were young at the time and are still alive. I found some of them for my book, including people who suggest that Oswald had many more contacts with people in Mexico City who might have wanted to see JFK dead. The National Archives faces a 2017 deadline to release about 1,200 documents related to the assassination, many of them from the CIA, that still remain classified. While refusing to describe what is in the documents, CIA lawyers have acknowledged over the years that many of them are out of the files of agency employees who were stationed in the early 1960s in, of all places, Mexico City.

https://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2015/03/jfk-assassination-lee-harvey-oswald-mexico-116195/

[Anthony Frank]

It turned out the CIA had Oswald under surveillance in the Mexican capital after he had showed up at both the Cuban and Soviet embassies there.

A CIA document from December 1963 addresses Oswald’s alleged time in Mexico, stating, “No source then at our disposal had ever actually seen Lee Oswald while he was in Mexico.”

A CIA memorandum on December 13, 1963 states, “None of our several photo observation points in Mexico City had ever taken an identifiable picture of Lee Oswald.”

A 1967 CIA memorandum confirms, “No photograph was taken, acquired, or received of Oswald alone or with any individual in front of the Cuban Embassy, the Soviet Embassy, or anywhere else in Mexico.”

https://www.amazon.com/dp/B07V9JT65Y

[Rick Plant]

A CIA document from December 1963 addresses Oswald’s alleged time in Mexico, stating, “No source then at our disposal had ever actually seen Lee Oswald while he was in Mexico.”

A CIA memorandum on December 13, 1963 states, “None of our several photo observation points in Mexico City had ever taken an identifiable picture of Lee Oswald.”

A 1967 CIA memorandum confirms, “No photograph was taken, acquired, or received of Oswald alone or with any individual in front of the Cuban Embassy, the Soviet Embassy, or anywhere else in Mexico.”

https://www.amazon.com/dp/B07V9JT65Y

The JFK files document Oswald taking the trip to Mexico City and you're making the claim he was never there. 

The records declassified decades later tell a very different story, and show just how much evidence about Oswald’s Mexico trip —including CIA tape recordings of wiretaps of Oswald’s phone calls in Mexico—never reached the commission. Although the spy agency assured the commission in 1964 that there were no surveillance photos of Oswald in Mexico, CIA Station Chief Scott, in his memoirs, strongly suggested that there were photos, and other CIA officials later told congressional investigators in the 1970s that they recalled seeing the pictures. CIA and FBI records, meanwhile, show that the agencies never tried to track down or interview key witnesses who had encountered Oswald in Mexico.

https://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2015/03/jfk-assassination-lee-harvey-oswald-mexico-116195/

[Anthony Frank]

The JFK files document Oswald taking the trip to Mexico City and you're making the claim he was never there. 

The records declassified decades later tell a very different story, and show just how much evidence about Oswald’s Mexico trip —including CIA tape recordings of wiretaps of Oswald’s phone calls in Mexico—never reached the commission. Although the spy agency assured the commission in 1964 that there were no surveillance photos of Oswald in Mexico, CIA Station Chief Scott, in his memoirs, strongly suggested that there were photos, and other CIA officials later told congressional investigators in the 1970s that they recalled seeing the pictures. CIA and FBI records, meanwhile, show that the agencies never tried to track down or interview key witnesses who had encountered Oswald in Mexico.

https://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2015/03/jfk-assassination-lee-harvey-oswald-mexico-116195/

There are no declassified documents confirming the claim that Oswald was in Mexico, just a news article claiming that there are documents.

CIA Director William Colby testified to the newly formed House Select Committee on Intelligence in 1975 that “several full-time employees of major domestic media outlets” are also “full-time employees of the Central Intelligence Agency.”

Colby also testified that the CIA employs people at “major circulation American journals.”

When Colby was pointedly asked, “Has the CIA ever asked media networks or journals to kill a story,” he boasted, “I spent a great deal of my time earlier this year trying to get that done.” (Hearings Before The Select Committee On Intelligence, Part 5, p. 1593. I can provide a link if you need one.)

The JFK files contain absolutely no documents confirming that Oswald was in Mexico. The official claim is that he made the Mexico trip, but as evidenced from the official documentation in my first post, Oswald was never in Mexico.