JFK Assassination Discussion & Debate > JFK Assassination Discussion & Debate

The Plan to Kill JFK and Get a Republican Elected in 1964

(1/4) > >>

Anthony Frank:
Part 1

Republican Senator Barry Goldwater consistently denied that he would run for President in 1964. One of his denials came three and a half months before President Kennedy’s assassination.

On August 5, 1963, the Washington Post reported: “Senator Barry Goldwater has returned a campaign contribution . . . . saying he has no plans to seek the Presidency.”

In returning the contribution, Goldwater wrote: “I have already announced my intention of seeking a third Senate term in 1964 and have established a campaign organization for this purpose. If you care to resubmit your contribution for this effort, I would of course be most grateful.”

On September 22, 1963, two days after KGB asset Barry Goldwater announced the formation of a California advisory committee “‘for consultation’ about the California primary,” the president of the University of New Hampshire Republican Club invited Goldwater to visit New Hampshire, site of the first Presidential primary in March 1964.

Goldwater declined the invitation, writing, “My plans at present are to run for re-election to the U.S. Senate . . . . The balance of my schedule for this year has been completely filled for some time.”

A short nineteen days after writing that his “schedule” had been “completely filled for some time,” Goldwater was riding from a Texas airport “in an open convertible” while his fans lined the streets chanting “We want Barry” and waving “Goldwater for President” signs.

Back on June 1, 1963, a Washington Post columnist wrote: “I think his reluctance to make the final decision is real . . . . Goldwater cherishes his position in the Senate . . . . It is the forum from which he has won the undisputed leadership of the conservative forces in the United States.

“Since he must run for re-election in Arizona next year, he would not relish losing his Senate seat in a possibly futile campaign for the White House. He does not assume that President Kennedy cannot be defeated, but he considers at this stage the odds are clearly on the side of the President’s re-election.”

The Dallas Morning News reported that when Goldwater spoke to reporters in Pennsylvania on October 10, the day before his grandiose reception in Texas, Goldwater “said he really preferred to stay in the Senate and thought his services might be more useful there.”

Eight days after his grandiose reception in Texas, Goldwater stated, “Actually, I’m trying to think of reasons why I should become a candidate and I’m coming up with some negative answers.”

Then, on November 10, twelve days before President Kennedy was scheduled to be assassinated, Goldwater responded to a reporter’s questions by stating, “I don’t intend to announce something I am not yet decided upon doing . . . . There are others who are equally insistent that I wait until I am convinced it is something I should do . . . . If and when I become a candidate . . . I have not decided to become a candidate . . . . I haven’t done any campaigning for myself and won’t unless I decide in January to seek the Republican nomination.”

A Harris Poll published just four days before President Kennedy’s assassination analyzed the balance between liberals and conservatives, stating: “The key, however, rests with middle-of-the-road voters . . . . It is immediately evident that the balance of power rests with the politically more numerous moderate group . . . . President Kennedy, however, already has a substantial edge among moderates. It remains to be seen just how well Goldwater can cut down this advantage.”

President Kennedy’s popularity was a clear deterrent to a Goldwater candidacy, and after the assassination, it quickly became apparent that Vice President Johnson’s ascendance to the Presidency was a far greater deterrent.

It is a simple fact that if ultra conservative Barry Goldwater were to become the Republican nominee for President, everyone who intended to vote for President Kennedy would simply vote for President Johnson. They certainly would not be switching their allegiance to Goldwater.

What’s more, Texan Lyndon Johnson, being a Southern Democrat, was a popular figure with segregationist Southern Democrats who despised President Kennedy and would have never voted for him. Moderate Republicans, too, would see Johnson as an acceptable alternative to extremist Barry Goldwater. As such, Johnson would clearly take votes away from Goldwater in addition to getting all the votes that would have gone to President Kennedy.

(continued in Part 2)

Anthony Frank:
Part 2

On November 24, 1963, the New York Times stated: “The prospect of Mr. Johnson’s nomination appeared likely to produce a liberal Republican opponent.”

The article said this was to “capitalize” on President Johnson’s “greatest potential weakness” which was “his lack of appeal to independent and liberal voters.” Liberals and independents were not at all fond of Southern Democrats like Lyndon Johnson, whereas a liberal Republican trying to unseat Johnson would definitely appeal to them.

Syndicated columnists Evans and Novak wrote in the Washington Post on December 5, 1963, about the “sharp falloff, sharper than was first apparent, in Senator Barry Goldwater’s strength after President Kennedy’s death . . . . Now, even some of his own supporters admit that a totally different kind of candidate is required against President Johnson.”

On December 11, the Washington Post reported: “Politicians in both parties have felt that the Senator’s chances for the nomination were hurt by the accession of President Johnson, a Southerner.”

On December 27, the Washington Post reported that the National Committee for an Effective Congress, “a nonpartisan political committee,” received a staff report stating that Lyndon Johnson’s ascendance to the Presidency “damaged Goldwater’s chances of landing the nomination.” The report said that Republicans “are now looking for a middle-of-the-road candidate.”

The December 27 article also gave the views of the Republican Mayor of San Francisco, where the Republican National Convention was to be held in 1964: “Republican Mayor George Christopher of San Francisco said yesterday that Arizona Senator Barry Goldwater has lost ground in the race for the Republican Presidential nomination.”

Christopher stated there was “a remarkable change in sentiment” due to “the death of President Kennedy and the probability that President Johnson will be the Democratic nominee in 1964. Before Mr. Kennedy was assassinated, Christopher said, he had believed Goldwater was the leading contender for California’s 86 GOP national convention votes.”

To repeat, if ultra conservative Barry Goldwater were to become the Republican nominee for President, President Johnson would get virtually every vote that had been intended for President Kennedy, who already had a “substantial edge among moderates” and a clear “advantage” over Goldwater, and Texan Lyndon Johnson, being a Southern Democrat, would also get votes from Southern Democrats who despised President Kennedy and would have never voted for him. Johnson would also get votes from moderate Republicans who saw Goldwater as an extremist.

President Johnson would clearly take votes away from Goldwater, and his “advantage” over Goldwater was far greater than President Kennedy’s well-established advantage over Goldwater.

On Friday, January 3, 1964, exactly six weeks after his KGB handlers assassinated President Kennedy, Goldwater announced his candidacy for the Republican nomination for President, even though back on August 4, 1963, he pointedly said he had “no plans to seek the Presidency,” and even though on September 22 his definitive plans were to “run for re-election to the U.S. Senate.” He announced his Presidential bid even though on October 10 he “said he really preferred to stay in the Senate and thought his services might be more useful there.”

Goldwater announced his candidacy regardless of the fact that on October 19 he was “trying to think of reasons” why he should become a candidate and “coming up with some negative answers,” and he announced his candidacy regardless of the fact that Kennedy’s death apparently sounded the death knell for the impetus that was supposed to push Barry Goldwater into the 1964 Presidential race.

(continued in Part 3)

Anthony Frank:
Part 3

KGB officer and CIA Director John McCone enlisted former President Eisenhower in preparation for the political situation that Goldwater would face after President Kennedy’s assassination. McCone met with Eisenhower on September 19, 1963, and one of the topics they discussed was South Vietnam, where Henry Cabot Lodge was serving as U.S. Ambassador.

McCone also had a “brief conversation” with Eisenhower at the White House on November 23, the day after President Kennedy’s assassination.

On December 10, 1963, eighteen days after President Kennedy’s assassination, former President Eisenhower publicly declared that Henry Cabot Lodge should run for the GOP nomination for President.

The Washington Post reported, “To a great many of the Goldwater followers, none of the Eastern, internationalist liberal Republicans is more unacceptable than Lodge. His entry into the race for the nomination would stiffen their determination to nominate Goldwater.

“Whatever General Eisenhower’s intentions, it is apparent that a Lodge candidacy could hurt the chances of aspirants of Lodge’s stripe, like Rockefeller, Nixon and Scranton.”

In an interview back on June 18, 1963, Goldwater stated, “I’m the only conservative being mentioned. If a fight develops, it will be among the liberals.”

Another liberal Republican was used to help Goldwater six months before Eisenhower (whatever his intentions) stoked the fire of an all-but-extinguished Goldwater candidacy. This other Republican was one of the Eastern liberals and had been a Senator throughout the Eisenhower Administration, namely, Prescott Bush of Connecticut, the father of CIA officer George H. W. Bush and grandfather of CIA asset George W. Bush.

On June 7, 1963, Prescott Bush made a scathing attack on Goldwater’s chief rival for the Republican nomination, New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller.

The attack was detailed in an Associated Press article carried by the Washington Post, which read: “Former United States Senator Prescott Bush has denounced the recent marriage of New York Governor Nelson A. Rockefeller and said he does not think Rockefeller is fit to be President.

“‘Have we come to the point in our life as a nation,’ Bush asked, ‘where the Governor of a great state, one who perhaps aspires to the nomination for President of the United States, can desert a good wife, mother of his grown children, divorce her, then persuade a young mother of four youngsters to abandon her husband and their four children and marry the Governor?’

“Have we come to the point where one of the two great political parties will confer upon such a one its highest honor and greatest responsibility?  I venture to hope not.”

This vitriolic denunciation of a “Governor” who was “not fit to be President” sounded like a campaign speech, and it was remarkably out of place because Bush made his statements at the “commencement exercises” of Rosemary Hall, an exclusive girls’ school in Connecticut, where “Bush spoke yesterday on ‘shifting standards of behavior.’”

After telling the high school graduating class about his “hope” that Rockefeller would not be the Republican nominee for President, Bush told the students that “our people” would be destroying “the sanctity of the American family” if the Republicans nominated Rockefeller, and Bush solicited public support for his position.

“Bush said that whether Rockefeller’s actions are approved will depend on educators, opinion makers, churches and others, and on ‘whether our people are ready to say phooey to the sanctity of the American family.’”

As if that were not enough, one week later Prescott Bush touted what he called “overwhelming approval” of the anti-Rockefeller position that he espoused in front of a high school graduating class.

A UPI article carried by the Washington Post on June 15, 1963, read: “Former Senator Prescott Bush says he has received telegrams and letters showing ‘overwhelming approval’ of his criticism . . . . The former lawmaker said yesterday that out of about 10 letters and telegrams ‘only two expressed opposition to my views and all the rest were favorable.’ He added that he received mail from New York, Minnesota, Indiana and other Midwestern states.”

Prescott Bush obviously contacted the press to tell them that eight letters and telegrams were evidence of “overwhelming approval” of what he had told a high school graduating class; that the Republican Party must nominate someone other than Nelson Rockefeller for President.

On October 24, 1963, four months after Prescott Bush did his part in tamping down Rockefeller’s prospects, syndicated columnists Evans and Novak devoted their column to a “Goldwater surge” in Bush’s home state of Connecticut, writing, “The odds soared against Rockefeller after his remarriage and after former Republican Senator Prescott Bush castigated him as unfit to carry the banner.”  (To use Evans and Novak’s wording, Bush “castigated” the Governor of New York in front of a high school graduating class as “unfit” to be the Republican nominee for President.)

Noting that Connecticut “nestles in the center of the Party’s eastern liberal heartland,” Evans and Novak quoted a liberal Connecticut Republican as saying, “The Goldwater crowd has a horse off and running with lots of money riding on the nose. We don’t even have a horse.”

They went on to state that with Prescott Bush attacking the Governor of New York in front of a high school graduating class, “The odds are now at least even that Senator Barry Goldwater, conservative idol from far-off Arizona, may wrap up Connecticut’s sixteen votes at the San Francisco convention next summer.”

What makes Prescott Bush’s criticism even more interesting is that the New York Times Index for 1963 lists more than thirty references under the subheading “marriage” of Nelson A. Rockefeller, and it shows that Prescott Bush was the only U.S. politician who criticized it.

Members of the clergy also criticized it, and most interesting, a reference on November 7, 1963, reads, “Premier Khrushchev, in apparent reference to the Governor, scores ‘parasitic capitalists’ who ‘live life of luxury, drinking, carousing or changing wives.’” This was fifteen days before his KGB officers inside the CIA assassinated President Kennedy in an effort to get Barry Goldwater elected President of the United States.

(continued in Part 4)

Anthony Frank:
Part 4

On November 21, 1963, the eve of President Kennedy’s assassination, a Washington Post article mentioned “Mrs. Rockefeller” and said her “marriage to the Governor on the heels of divorces by both brought some protests within Republican ranks.”  (“Some protests within Republican ranks” is a clear reflection of how unique Prescott Bush’s vituperative attack was.)

Another Washington Post article on November 21 reported, “Senator Thruston Morton, chairman of the Republican Senate Campaign Committee, said Senator Barry Goldwater is far ahead in the running for the Republican Presidential nomination,” and Senator Morton “doesn’t know where Nelson A. Rockefeller can count on delegate votes outside of New York.”

With one day remaining before President Kennedy’s assassination, it is clear that Prescott Bush’s widely reported vitriol had reverberated nationally.

It is hard to imagine that anyone but stalwart Rockefeller supporters would continue to think the New York Governor should be President after Prescott Bush portrayed him in such a despicable light. Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev referring to the wealthy Rockefeller as a parasitic capitalist, who lives a life of luxury, drinking, carousing, and changing wives, certainly reinforced Bush’s bitter denunciation of a man who was “not fit to be President.”

A Gallup poll back in January 1963 had Rockefeller well ahead of Goldwater. Forty-six percent of Republicans planned on voting for Nelson Rockefeller in the Republican primaries, and only twenty-six percent planned on voting for Barry Goldwater.

But the KGB had to change that, and KGB officer John McCone had direct input with both Nelson Rockefeller and Prescott Bush, just like he had direct input with former President Eisenhower prior to Eisenhower energizing Goldwater supporters with his suggestion that Henry Cabot Lodge run for the GOP nomination.

McCone’s calendar shows he attended a black-tie dinner “in honor of Senator and Mrs. Bush” on January 9, 1963, hosted by none other than former CIA Director Allen Dulles,  and McCone attended another black-tie dinner “in honor of Senator Bush” on January 25.

His input with Rockefeller came twenty-seven days after attending the second black-tie dinner honoring Prescott Bush. McCone’s daily calendar shows that on February 21, 1963, he left Virginia on a Gulfstream jet at 10:00 a.m. for a noon meeting with Rockefeller in New York. McCone then flew back to Virginia at 1:55 p.m.

Thirty-nine days later, on April 1, 1963, Nelson Rockefeller’s mistress, socialite Margaretta Murphy, divorced her husband to marry Rockefeller, a marriage that took place on May 4, seventy-two days after the McCone-Rockefeller meeting.

On June 18, 1963, just four days after Prescott Bush wreaked havoc on Rockefeller’s chances of winning the Republican nomination, two UPI reporters who interviewed Goldwater wrote: “He used to tell reporters bluntly that he did not have a chance to be nominated, and he would privately acknowledge that no Republican had much hope of derailing President Kennedy’s bid for a second term . . . . Now he radiates optimism on and off the record.”

His KGB handlers had been killing Members of Congress with Goldwater’s knowledge and apparent consent for six years. They exercised definitive control in the government, and they were bent on putting him into the Presidency, while Nelson Rockefeller, Goldwater’s chief rival for the GOP nomination, had been completely discredited by divorcing his wife and marrying his mistress. Why wouldn’t Goldwater radiate optimism?

The UPI reporters quoted Goldwater as saying, “I don’t want this nomination, but it may be forced on me.”

Goldwater also said, “With the right candidate, 1964 could be a Republican year after all.”

After President Kennedy was assassinated, KGB asset Barry Goldwater knew perfectly well that he would be the GOP nominee, and he knew perfectly well that the only thing that would make 1964 “a Republican year after all” is President Johnson’s assassination right before the election.

The Warren Commission Report states that “President Kennedy’s visit to Texas” had been “under consideration for almost a year before it occurred.”  It also states that President Kennedy made the decision to visit Texas on June 5, 1963, less than two weeks before the interview in which Goldwater was reported to be “radiating optimism on and off the record.”

Goldwater’s KGB handlers knew that President Kennedy would go toe-to-toe with their candidate in Texas, hoping to score a knockout punch before Goldwater ever decided to run.

Luring President Kennedy into his “open convertible” Dallas visit, where he hoped for the knockout punch, was made easier by having Goldwater state on October 10 that he “really preferred to stay in the Senate and thought his services might be more useful there,”  and then, eight days after Goldwater’s grandiose reception in Texas, he stated, “Actually, I’m trying to think of reasons why I should become a candidate and I’m coming up with some negative answers.”

President Kennedy clearly wanted to reinforce those “negative answers.” He needed to send Goldwater a message that he should “stay in the Senate” and not risk “losing his Senate seat” in a “futile campaign for the White House.” As such, President Kennedy’s reception in Texas had to upstage Barry Goldwater’s reception in Texas.

In previous statements in August and September, Goldwater completely ruled out running for President, claiming he would run for re-election to the Senate, but his escalating rhetorical conflict made it abundantly clear that he was spoiling for a fight.

His sporadic backpedaling was crafted to have President Kennedy look forward to “a triumphal tour through the city’s streets” when “Mr. Kennedy himself made the decision to ride in the slow-moving motorcade.”

President Kennedy was just minutes away from making a speech in which he was “going to accuse right-wing extremists of talking ‘just plain nonsense.’”  Goldwater’s handlers, in turn, had three assassins that said, “Welcome to Dallas, Mr. President.”

It’s all in my book. Click the link.

https://www.amazon.com/dp/B07V9JT65Y

Anthony Frank:
It’s no wonder that Goldwater was radiating optimism by June 18, 1963. He and his KGB handlers were the powers-that-be with whom President Kennedy would have to contend, and CIA officer Barry Goldwater apparently thought things were going his way in his quest for the Presidency, especially with President Kennedy having recently made the decision to visit Texas.

When Goldwater returned a campaign contribution on August 4, 1963, claiming he had “no plans to seek the Presidency,” he also wrote: “Circumstances might develop which could compel me to alter my present course.”

The only “circumstances” that “compelled” Goldwater to seek the Presidency were President Kennedy’s assassination and Goldwater’s expectation that his KGB handlers would assassinate President Lyndon Johnson, the former Senator from Texas, immediately before the election.

When Goldwater announced his candidacy, he was “asked whether he would concede Texas” to President Johnson in the election. With the expectation that President Johnson would be assassinated before the election, Goldwater replied, “I don’t concede anybody anything.”

It’s all in my book. Click the link.

https://www.amazon.com/dp/B07V9JT65Y

Navigation

[0] Message Index

[#] Next page