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Questions for Bill Simpich about State Secret  (Read 28610 times)

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Bill Simpich's extraordinary in-depth analysis of Oswald in Mexico City and how the CIA responded to that episode is one of the necessary new pieces of scholarship that all who are interested in JFK must consider. Because we have the benefit of many knowledgeable and thoughtful members, I'd like to ask for your questions regarding this essential contribution to assassination related research.

As an appropriate follow-up to the completion of State Secret, Bill has agreed to participate in an upcoming interview for Part II of our conversation from last year.

Please read State Secret and post questions or comments upon which you would like Bill to respond. We are also grateful for any suggestions regarding media outlets/interview opportunities which may help to promote this important work.




Preface

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Chapter 1: The Double Dangle

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Chapter 2: Three Counterintelligence Teams Watched Oswald

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Chapter 3: The Cuban Compound in Mexico City Was Ground Zero

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Chapter 4: Mexico City Intrigue – The World of Surveillance

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Chapter 5: The Mexico City Solution

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Chapter 6: The Set-up and the Cover-up

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Conclusion: Only Justice Will Stop A Curse

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 My one hour, seventeen minute interview with Bill may be heard here: As a guest, you are not allowed to view links. Register or Login

Thanks for investing the necessary time.


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« Last Edit: March 15, 2014, 03:29:29 PM by Alan Dale »

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^ Thank you, Tom.

I will share this interesting information with Bill.


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Quote
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(Located in comments, below article)
Tom Scully
April 10, 2014 at 4:20 am
Thank you, Mr. Parry. I have quoted and linked your reporting on The October Surprise with research I posted yesterday. My focus is on the connection between
Casey’s friend John M Shaheen and 1958 defector to the Soviet Union, Robert Webster’s employer, H James Rand. Shaheen married in May, 1951. His best man was Rand. Shaheen’s sister Ruth was the wife of Hugh Downs. Shaheen and his bride honeymooned on Marathon Key in FL in a group organized by the next door Cleveland neighbor of Shaheen’s and Rand’s OSS friend, Dan T. Moore, brother of Drew Pearson’s wife, Luvie Moore Abell Pearson. Dan Moore’s neighbor was Yale Bonesman, Dr. George W. Crile, Jr., the father of the George Crile who worked as a journalist for Pearson and Jack Anderson and then for 31 years at CBS TV network and 60 Minutes. A CIA document in Bill Simpich’s new book describes a plan in 1960 by Moore to go to Moscow with Rand to attempt to smuggle Robert Webster out in a car left in Moscow by Rand Development Co.
Coincidence that all of these journalists, save the deceased Pearson, neglected to report on their own familiarity with John M Shaheen, or grave ethics breech?
Was Shaheen involved in a defector program with H James Rand?
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Quote
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My Response to Robert Parry's April 9, 2014 Report on Bi-Parisan Hypocrisy in Congress Suppressing Truth of 1980 October Surprise
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"...while H James Rand of Cleveland, Ohio was best man."
...............

Drew Pearson, columnist in largest newspaper syndication in U.S. when he died in 1969, brother-in-law of an intimate, Dan Moore, of Robert Webster's employer H. James Rand,
close friend of Earl Warren, and confidant of JFK close friend, Bill Walton. No one was positioned to know more related to our studies than Pearson.

Some interesting entries in diaries written and kept privately by Drew Pearson who died suddenly in Sept., 1972 at age 71, until finally published in 2015.....

Quote
Washington Merry-Go-Round : The Drew Pearson Diaries, 1960-1969

1964

Sunday, September 27 | The Warren Report was aired on TV, and I confess that when I saw it, it raised some of the doubts I once had as to whether there was not some kind of a conspiracy behind Oswald. He behaved too coolly, looked too innocent; however, the weight of the evidence is to the contrary, so I suppose I am wrong. At dinner at the Johnny Walkers, Bill Walton and I discussed the fact that JFK, now a hero, was hated just before he died. He was approaching one of the most unpopular periods of his life. Bill, who knew him well, said that Kennedy was thoroughly familiar with this fact and also knew how hated he was by the average middle-class American. Bill thought part of the enmity of 1963 resulted from the new civil rights bill. I argued that it was more from Kennedy’s stand against the steel industry and the general feeling that he was the enemy of business. We both agreed that he was not, that he wanted to get along with business, and that he hated the word liberal. Yet in a showdown he always took the liberal course.

1965
Wednesday, March 3 | Dick Gregory came to lunch. I wanted to talk to Dick about raising the money which he owes me so I can repay the $21,000 I owe to Jim Carey and Dave Dubinsky for the Mississippi turkey pilgrimage. Dick was much more interested in talking about the assassination of President Kennedy. He claims the Warren Commission is a fraud, that Warren wrote it in order to calm American suspicions and keep the country from being pulled apart. The real culprits in the assassination, Dick claims, are Texas oilmen and J. Edgar Hoover. I wouldn’t put it past the first; however, I can’t believe that Hoover had anything to do with it, evil though he frequently is. Luvie was so flabbergasted over the Gregory luncheon that she repeated the points at Bill Walton’s dinner. Bill pointed out that Bobby Kennedy had read over the Warren Report in great detail and was convinced it was accurate.


1967
Friday, March 24 | Jack came back from New Orleans much impressed with Jim Garrison. He spent six hours with him. Garrison pledged him to secrecy—we can’t write anything—but unfolded his case as follows: The CIA definitely had a plot to assassinate Castro and had approached Clay Shaw, a reputable, wealthy homosexual businessman, as a man who could execute the plot. Shaw was part of a homosexual ring, including Ferrie and Ruby in Dallas. Ferrie was an odd-looking character who wore a homemade wig and pasted eyebrows, usually at a cockeyed angle, so that he was easily recognizable. In Ferrie’s papers after his death, Garrison’s agents found that everything pertaining to the year 1963 had been removed, though papers were there for every other year. Lee Harvey Oswald was picked as the man to execute Castro because he had come back from Russia very anti-Communist yet was considered to be pro-Russian and pro-Communist. As a blind, the Committee for Fair Play to Cuba was organized, and Oswald passed out leaflets on the streets of New Orleans. The FBI, though checking on Oswald’s activities at the time, didn’t pay much attention to him. From other FBI interviews with Oswald, it was obvious they knew he was anti-Russia. Oswald went to Mexico to get a visa from the Cuban embassy there—a transit visa to Russia. This was to be his excuse to get back to Cuba; however, the Russians are wary about admitting people in a hurry, and Oswald had to wait. After the assassination in Dallas, the Warren Commission, according to Garrison, asked Central Intelligence for a photograph of Oswald as he went up the steps of the Cuban embassy in Mexico City. (The CIA takes photos of everyone entering the embassy.) CIA sent the Warren Commission a photo which obviously was not that of Oswald, and the commission made a second request for the proper photo. Garrison understands this was never received. The reason, he says, is that a thickset Cuban accompanied Oswald to the Cuban embassy. This Cuban was part of the CIA plot to assassinate Castro, and the CIA doesn’t want him revealed in any picture. When Oswald was refused his visa to Cuba, the conspirators then turned around and decided to assassinate Kennedy. They used Oswald as the patsy. He was the only non-homo member of their ring. They figured he was so mentally disturbed, and so at odds with the world, that he could be used for the fall guy. On the day of the assassination (or perhaps it was the day afterward) Ferrie drove in a blinding rainstorm to Houston to go to an ice-skating rink. His alibi, when interviewed by the FBI, was that he enjoyed ice-skating. On that particular night, though, witnesses said that he didn’t skate but stood for two hours against the wall. Garrison has investigated this spot and finds that the wall was adjacent to a telephone. Garrison figures that Ferrie made the trip so he could get a telephone call from Ruby without the call being traced long-distance. Ferrie, because of his eyebrows and weight, was easily identifiable. On the day of the assassination Garrison points out that Ruby was everywhere. He went to the hospital. He went to the prison—and during a subsequent conference in which the background of Lee Oswald was discussed, including the pro-Castro activities in New Orleans. Garrison points out that after Oswald took a shot at General Walker and missed, he came back to his wife, white and shaking. This proved that he was easily upset, also that he was a poor shot. Garrison’s theory is that two men on a hill over the Kennedy line of march fired two of the fatal shots at Kennedy. One witness saw two men on top of the hill hastily leave in a Nash Rambler. No cartridge was found on the hill. In Ferrie’s apartment was found an estimate on how far a cartridge would eject when a gun was held at a fifty-degree angle. Firing from the hilltop, the rifle would have been held at fifty degrees, and Garrison’s theory is that the second man with the assassin on the hilltop was posted to pick up the cartridge after it was ejected. Garrison points out that the police saw Oswald in the Dallas Book Depository Building on the second floor, standing beside a Coke machine. This was when they rushed into the building to investigate. He was calm. Garrison contrasts this with his emotional reaction after he tried to shoot General Walker. It is Garrison’s theory that Ruby killed Oswald for fear he would break. He [Oswald] was likely to squeal on the others. (According to Dr. Erdman, Dr. Alton Oxner had examined Ruby and had told him that he had cancer. Therefore, he was considered expendable.) [Garrison opened an investigation in 1966 claiming that the assassination was a conspiracy by the federal government. He arrested and tried businessman Clay Shaw as a conspiricist, but Shaw was acquitted.]

Saturday, May 6 | To the Bolivian embassy for lunch. Ambassador Linowitz asked me how serious Galo Plaza was when he said he would not become secretary-general of the OAS and suggested I sound him out definitely for the job. I suggested I would write to Nelson Rockefeller and get him to put the heat on Galo. (Visited with Chief Justice Earl Warren to discuss case of Jim Garrison in New Orleans.) I asked him whether he considered the role of the Supreme Court today to be chiefly that of protecting the Bill of Rights. He gave an interesting explanation dating back to John Marshall’s day, when most of the decisions during the first thirty years of the Court pertained to “supremacy.” The problem then was the supremacy of the Court to rule on decisions by the states and the federal government. “If it hadn’t been for John Marshall’s strong hand,” the chief said, “we would have been a weak federation of rival states instead of a strong republic. “During the next period, up through the Civil War, the Court was chiefly involved in states’ rights. Then, after the Civil War, came the great industrial revolution, when the Court was busy protecting corporate rights. It twisted the Twelfth, Thirteenth, and Fourteenth Amendments, passed to prevent slavery, into a protective device for corporations. Then came the war and the Depression and the New Deal. The Court has been busy with all these things up until about the time when I took over, and now we have been busy in trying to protect some of the human rights of the country.” I asked the chief whether he considered the Brown v. Board of Education decision the most important or Baker v. Carr. He said that he thought Baker v. Carr would go down in history as the most important as far as the history of the United States was concerned. Had the Court not reapportioned state legislatures, the country would have limped along indefinitely with a lopsided government and no representation on the part of big city populations. When the matter had first come before the Court, Justice Felix Frankfurter argued that reapportionment of state legislatures was a political matter, not a judicial matter, and that the Court had no right to take jurisdiction. The chief had argued to the contrary. He said he had once talked to a state legislature lobbyist who confided that because of the domination of rural areas, he only had to worry about nine legislators when it came to a vote. If he could handle those nine, then he could swing the legislature. The chief asked me if I had any news about who would fill the Supreme Court vacancy left by Tom Clark. He said he had no inkling any further as to Thurgood Marshall. He particularly wanted to know whether I knew anything about Arthur Goldberg and expressed the hope that he could be reappointed. I told him about my talk with the president on behalf of Goldberg and the statement that Arthur could have the second vacancy but not the first. The chief said that when he had talked with the president on the same night that we both saw him, the president said he had given no commitments. The chief asked that I not mention to the president, if I saw him, the fact that he, the chief, was so much interested, but he hoped I might be able to do something.

SATURDAY, DECEMBER 23 | Robert Mayhieu, PR man for Howard Hughes, called me back today, in reply to a query, to confirm that Don Nixon had defaulted on the $205,000 loan from Howard Hughes and had given the Hughes Tool Company the lot in Whittier which was put up for collateral. It’s interesting that the newspapers never did follow up [on] what became of the Nixon lot or what was to happen to the $65,000 in cash that W. Alton Jones had in his briefcase when his plane crashed en route to see Ike in Palm Springs.

1968
......
Sunday, September 22 | The chief justice and Nina came for supper at the farm. Betty and Dan [Moore] were there, but after supper the chief and I had a private talk. I reported to him regarding my conversations in Paris with Averell Harriman about a Vietnam truce and my report later to Hubert. “Poor fellow,” said the chief, referring to Hubert’s dilemma and the fact that he couldn’t bolt the president. “I can’t conceive that the president wants Nixon to win. Yet he’s acting that way. I think I could write a speech which would win a lot of praise for the president and which might elect Hubert.” The chief had a good idea on how Nixon’s $18,000 expense fund could be revived—namely, by referring to the $15,000 paid to Abe Fortas in lecture fees, drawing a comparison between that and the Nixon fund, in which Nixon was running errands for the contributors to his fund. ...


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« Last Edit: November 05, 2016, 06:48:49 PM by Tom Scully »

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The thing most frustrating about the Dyson vacuum sucking up attention and otherwise known as the sockpuppet lambchop is the consequence of the attention divertining as a consequence of its mindnumbing obsession.



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